中國醫藥大學 114 年 《英文》

The busload of tourists suddenly saw the movie star and basically _____ over the side of the bus screaming her name.

For the third year in a row, the phrase _____ in ubiquity in late-May/early-June, according to Google Trends. Indeed, you can see it everywhere.

Numerous leaks in recent days claim the President is at odds with most of his senior team, allegedly deliberately countermanding their best advice like an _____ toddler.

British politicians can say all sorts of rubbish to the BBC that wouldn’t count as a crime, but government ministers are not supposed to knowingly mislead — artfully _____?

Emily tried to finish the project alone but in vain, so eventually she had to _____.

The small nation felt _____ to its powerful neighbor, obliged to obey even when it didn’t want to.

The scientists are pushing the _____ of what’s possible in space exploration, trying to go beyond the normal limits.

The diplomat’s _____ response to the direct question left reporters unsure about the government’s actual position on the matter.

The vice president found herself grappling with the uncertainty ____ the newly implemented policy, designed to streamline operations and cut unnecessary expenses, would actually yield the intended financial benefits.

The scientist, intrigued by the extraordinary biological mechanisms of microscopic organisms, devoted years of research to understanding _____ a seemingly insignificant life form could produce energy at an efficiency level unmatched by larger species.

Unless she presented a compelling argument supported by strong evidence, the board _____ her proposal without further discussion.

The project advanced _____, as unpredictable funding delays and shifting team dynamics repeatedly interrupted the momentum that had briefly gathered.

_____ about the traffic, I would have left earlier.

Which of the following sentences is grammatically correct?

Which of the following sentences is NOT grammatically accurate?

【題組共用題幹】

Loneliness is a common problem in long-term care facilities (LTCF). Previous work has shown that animal-assisted therapy (AAT) can to some degree 16 _____ loneliness. Here, we investigated the ability of a living dog (Dog) as opposed to that of a robotic dog (AIBO) to treat loneliness in elderly patients living in LTCF. 17 _____ a control group not receiving AAT, both the Dog and AIBO groups had statistically significant improvements in their levels of loneliness. 18 _____ a modified Lexington Attachment to Pets Scale (MLAPS), residents showed high levels of attachment to both the Dog and AIBO. Subscale analysis showed that the AIBO group scored lower than the living dog on “animal rights/animal welfare,” 19 _____ “general attachment” or “people substituting.” However, MLAPS measures 20 _____ changes in loneliness, showing that attachment was not the mechanism by which AAT defeats loneliness. We conclude that interactive robotic dogs can help LTCF residents cope with loneliness as they become attached to these robots.

【題組共用題幹】

Loneliness is a common problem in long-term care facilities (LTCF). Previous work has shown that animal-assisted therapy (AAT) can to some degree 16 _____ loneliness. Here, we investigated the ability of a living dog (Dog) as opposed to that of a robotic dog (AIBO) to treat loneliness in elderly patients living in LTCF. 17 _____ a control group not receiving AAT, both the Dog and AIBO groups had statistically significant improvements in their levels of loneliness. 18 _____ a modified Lexington Attachment to Pets Scale (MLAPS), residents showed high levels of attachment to both the Dog and AIBO. Subscale analysis showed that the AIBO group scored lower than the living dog on “animal rights/animal welfare,” 19 _____ “general attachment” or “people substituting.” However, MLAPS measures 20 _____ changes in loneliness, showing that attachment was not the mechanism by which AAT defeats loneliness. We conclude that interactive robotic dogs can help LTCF residents cope with loneliness as they become attached to these robots.

【題組共用題幹】

Loneliness is a common problem in long-term care facilities (LTCF). Previous work has shown that animal-assisted therapy (AAT) can to some degree 16 _____ loneliness. Here, we investigated the ability of a living dog (Dog) as opposed to that of a robotic dog (AIBO) to treat loneliness in elderly patients living in LTCF. 17 _____ a control group not receiving AAT, both the Dog and AIBO groups had statistically significant improvements in their levels of loneliness. 18 _____ a modified Lexington Attachment to Pets Scale (MLAPS), residents showed high levels of attachment to both the Dog and AIBO. Subscale analysis showed that the AIBO group scored lower than the living dog on “animal rights/animal welfare,” 19 _____ “general attachment” or “people substituting.” However, MLAPS measures 20 _____ changes in loneliness, showing that attachment was not the mechanism by which AAT defeats loneliness. We conclude that interactive robotic dogs can help LTCF residents cope with loneliness as they become attached to these robots.

【題組共用題幹】

Loneliness is a common problem in long-term care facilities (LTCF). Previous work has shown that animal-assisted therapy (AAT) can to some degree 16 _____ loneliness. Here, we investigated the ability of a living dog (Dog) as opposed to that of a robotic dog (AIBO) to treat loneliness in elderly patients living in LTCF. 17 _____ a control group not receiving AAT, both the Dog and AIBO groups had statistically significant improvements in their levels of loneliness. 18 _____ a modified Lexington Attachment to Pets Scale (MLAPS), residents showed high levels of attachment to both the Dog and AIBO. Subscale analysis showed that the AIBO group scored lower than the living dog on “animal rights/animal welfare,” 19 _____ “general attachment” or “people substituting.” However, MLAPS measures 20 _____ changes in loneliness, showing that attachment was not the mechanism by which AAT defeats loneliness. We conclude that interactive robotic dogs can help LTCF residents cope with loneliness as they become attached to these robots.

【題組共用題幹】

Loneliness is a common problem in long-term care facilities (LTCF). Previous work has shown that animal-assisted therapy (AAT) can to some degree 16 _____ loneliness. Here, we investigated the ability of a living dog (Dog) as opposed to that of a robotic dog (AIBO) to treat loneliness in elderly patients living in LTCF. 17 _____ a control group not receiving AAT, both the Dog and AIBO groups had statistically significant improvements in their levels of loneliness. 18 _____ a modified Lexington Attachment to Pets Scale (MLAPS), residents showed high levels of attachment to both the Dog and AIBO. Subscale analysis showed that the AIBO group scored lower than the living dog on “animal rights/animal welfare,” 19 _____ “general attachment” or “people substituting.” However, MLAPS measures 20 _____ changes in loneliness, showing that attachment was not the mechanism by which AAT defeats loneliness. We conclude that interactive robotic dogs can help LTCF residents cope with loneliness as they become attached to these robots.

【題組共用題幹】

Charles Dickens, one of the most celebrated novelists of the 19th century, is known for his vivid storytelling and social criticism. His novel Great Expectations, first published in 1861, remains one of his most widely studied works. The novel follows the life of Pip, an orphan who, through a series of mysterious events, 21 _____ a fortune and undergoes a dramatic transformation. A central theme in Great Expectations is the conflict of social class. Pip initially believes that wealth and refinement equate to moral superiority, but 22 _____ he matures, he learns that true virtue lies in kindness and integrity rather than status or fortune. This theme reflects Dickens’s own concerns about Victorian society, 23 _____ rigid class divisions often determined one’s fate. One of the novel’s most compelling characters is Miss Havisham, a wealthy but 24 _____ woman who has worn her wedding gown and remained in her decaying mansion since being abandoned at the altar. She raises Estella, the object of Pip’s affection, to be cold and unfeeling, perpetuating a cycle of emotional detachment. 25 _____, Great Expectations is a profound critique of ambition and self-discovery, highlighting the fleeting nature of human desires and the unpredictability of fate.

【題組共用題幹】

Charles Dickens, one of the most celebrated novelists of the 19th century, is known for his vivid storytelling and social criticism. His novel Great Expectations, first published in 1861, remains one of his most widely studied works. The novel follows the life of Pip, an orphan who, through a series of mysterious events, 21 _____ a fortune and undergoes a dramatic transformation. A central theme in Great Expectations is the conflict of social class. Pip initially believes that wealth and refinement equate to moral superiority, but 22 _____ he matures, he learns that true virtue lies in kindness and integrity rather than status or fortune. This theme reflects Dickens’s own concerns about Victorian society, 23 _____ rigid class divisions often determined one’s fate. One of the novel’s most compelling characters is Miss Havisham, a wealthy but 24 _____ woman who has worn her wedding gown and remained in her decaying mansion since being abandoned at the altar. She raises Estella, the object of Pip’s affection, to be cold and unfeeling, perpetuating a cycle of emotional detachment. 25 _____, Great Expectations is a profound critique of ambition and self-discovery, highlighting the fleeting nature of human desires and the unpredictability of fate.

【題組共用題幹】

Charles Dickens, one of the most celebrated novelists of the 19th century, is known for his vivid storytelling and social criticism. His novel Great Expectations, first published in 1861, remains one of his most widely studied works. The novel follows the life of Pip, an orphan who, through a series of mysterious events, 21 _____ a fortune and undergoes a dramatic transformation. A central theme in Great Expectations is the conflict of social class. Pip initially believes that wealth and refinement equate to moral superiority, but 22 _____ he matures, he learns that true virtue lies in kindness and integrity rather than status or fortune. This theme reflects Dickens’s own concerns about Victorian society, 23 _____ rigid class divisions often determined one’s fate. One of the novel’s most compelling characters is Miss Havisham, a wealthy but 24 _____ woman who has worn her wedding gown and remained in her decaying mansion since being abandoned at the altar. She raises Estella, the object of Pip’s affection, to be cold and unfeeling, perpetuating a cycle of emotional detachment. 25 _____, Great Expectations is a profound critique of ambition and self-discovery, highlighting the fleeting nature of human desires and the unpredictability of fate.

【題組共用題幹】

Charles Dickens, one of the most celebrated novelists of the 19th century, is known for his vivid storytelling and social criticism. His novel Great Expectations, first published in 1861, remains one of his most widely studied works. The novel follows the life of Pip, an orphan who, through a series of mysterious events, 21 _____ a fortune and undergoes a dramatic transformation. A central theme in Great Expectations is the conflict of social class. Pip initially believes that wealth and refinement equate to moral superiority, but 22 _____ he matures, he learns that true virtue lies in kindness and integrity rather than status or fortune. This theme reflects Dickens’s own concerns about Victorian society, 23 _____ rigid class divisions often determined one’s fate. One of the novel’s most compelling characters is Miss Havisham, a wealthy but 24 _____ woman who has worn her wedding gown and remained in her decaying mansion since being abandoned at the altar. She raises Estella, the object of Pip’s affection, to be cold and unfeeling, perpetuating a cycle of emotional detachment. 25 _____, Great Expectations is a profound critique of ambition and self-discovery, highlighting the fleeting nature of human desires and the unpredictability of fate.

【題組共用題幹】

Charles Dickens, one of the most celebrated novelists of the 19th century, is known for his vivid storytelling and social criticism. His novel Great Expectations, first published in 1861, remains one of his most widely studied works. The novel follows the life of Pip, an orphan who, through a series of mysterious events, 21 _____ a fortune and undergoes a dramatic transformation. A central theme in Great Expectations is the conflict of social class. Pip initially believes that wealth and refinement equate to moral superiority, but 22 _____ he matures, he learns that true virtue lies in kindness and integrity rather than status or fortune. This theme reflects Dickens’s own concerns about Victorian society, 23 _____ rigid class divisions often determined one’s fate. One of the novel’s most compelling characters is Miss Havisham, a wealthy but 24 _____ woman who has worn her wedding gown and remained in her decaying mansion since being abandoned at the altar. She raises Estella, the object of Pip’s affection, to be cold and unfeeling, perpetuating a cycle of emotional detachment. 25 _____, Great Expectations is a profound critique of ambition and self-discovery, highlighting the fleeting nature of human desires and the unpredictability of fate.

【題組共用題幹】

The post-COVID-19 condition (PCC) is often referred to as long COVID. It is characterized by persistent, fluctuating symptoms, such as fatigue, breathlessness, and cognitive difficulties affecting all systems of the body three months or more after infection consistent with SARS-CoV-2. 26 _____. Among the treatments of long COVID, cognitive behavior therapy (CBT), a practical approach to treating symptoms and distress, is now widely recommended. It encourages individuals to test different ways of coping. 27 _____ CBT focuses on things that can be changed, such as behavior and patterns of thinking. The behavior change component has much in common with rehabilitation. 28 _____ In addition, psychosocial interventions, especially CBT, have been found to positively change immune system functioning. Cognitive behavior therapy is not only positively associated with immune parameters, but also outperforms pharmacologic treatments.

【題組共用題幹】

The post-COVID-19 condition (PCC) is often referred to as long COVID. It is characterized by persistent, fluctuating symptoms, such as fatigue, breathlessness, and cognitive difficulties affecting all systems of the body three months or more after infection consistent with SARS-CoV-2. 26 _____. Among the treatments of long COVID, cognitive behavior therapy (CBT), a practical approach to treating symptoms and distress, is now widely recommended. It encourages individuals to test different ways of coping. 27 _____ CBT focuses on things that can be changed, such as behavior and patterns of thinking. The behavior change component has much in common with rehabilitation. 28 _____ In addition, psychosocial interventions, especially CBT, have been found to positively change immune system functioning. Cognitive behavior therapy is not only positively associated with immune parameters, but also outperforms pharmacologic treatments.

【題組共用題幹】

The post-COVID-19 condition (PCC) is often referred to as long COVID. It is characterized by persistent, fluctuating symptoms, such as fatigue, breathlessness, and cognitive difficulties affecting all systems of the body three months or more after infection consistent with SARS-CoV-2. 26 _____. Among the treatments of long COVID, cognitive behavior therapy (CBT), a practical approach to treating symptoms and distress, is now widely recommended. It encourages individuals to test different ways of coping. 27 _____ CBT focuses on things that can be changed, such as behavior and patterns of thinking. The behavior change component has much in common with rehabilitation. 28 _____ In addition, psychosocial interventions, especially CBT, have been found to positively change immune system functioning. Cognitive behavior therapy is not only positively associated with immune parameters, but also outperforms pharmacologic treatments.

【題組共用題幹】

Speech-language pathologists (SLPs) are actively involved in the development of literacy skills and in the remediation of literacy problems. In particular, SLPs have an important role in the assessment of phonological awareness due to their knowledge of phonetics and phonological disorders. Phonological awareness has been shown to be a primary factor underlying early reading achievement. 29 _____. The assessment of phonological awareness during preschool and kindergarten provides critical insight into the skills that children use to learn to read. Lonigan, Burgess, and Anthony (2000) demonstrated that phonological awareness, when compared to many other predictors, was the most stable and robust indicator of later reading in a group of children who were followed from late preschool into kindergarten and first grade. In another data set, Catts, Fey, Zhang, and Tombling (2001) found that a kindergarten measure of phonological awareness was one of five factors that predicted the presence of a reading disability in second grade. 30 _____. Once children begin reading, however, the best indicator of current and future reading may simply be reading itself. 31 _____ Wagner and his colleagues considered this issue using a large, longitudinal data set. They examined the amount of information that a measure of phonological awareness could add to the prediction of reading once a measure of current word reading and vocabulary was considered.

【題組共用題幹】

Speech-language pathologists (SLPs) are actively involved in the development of literacy skills and in the remediation of literacy problems. In particular, SLPs have an important role in the assessment of phonological awareness due to their knowledge of phonetics and phonological disorders. Phonological awareness has been shown to be a primary factor underlying early reading achievement. 29 _____. The assessment of phonological awareness during preschool and kindergarten provides critical insight into the skills that children use to learn to read. Lonigan, Burgess, and Anthony (2000) demonstrated that phonological awareness, when compared to many other predictors, was the most stable and robust indicator of later reading in a group of children who were followed from late preschool into kindergarten and first grade. In another data set, Catts, Fey, Zhang, and Tombling (2001) found that a kindergarten measure of phonological awareness was one of five factors that predicted the presence of a reading disability in second grade. 30 _____. Once children begin reading, however, the best indicator of current and future reading may simply be reading itself. 31 _____ Wagner and his colleagues considered this issue using a large, longitudinal data set. They examined the amount of information that a measure of phonological awareness could add to the prediction of reading once a measure of current word reading and vocabulary was considered.

【題組共用題幹】

Speech-language pathologists (SLPs) are actively involved in the development of literacy skills and in the remediation of literacy problems. In particular, SLPs have an important role in the assessment of phonological awareness due to their knowledge of phonetics and phonological disorders. Phonological awareness has been shown to be a primary factor underlying early reading achievement. 29 _____. The assessment of phonological awareness during preschool and kindergarten provides critical insight into the skills that children use to learn to read. Lonigan, Burgess, and Anthony (2000) demonstrated that phonological awareness, when compared to many other predictors, was the most stable and robust indicator of later reading in a group of children who were followed from late preschool into kindergarten and first grade. In another data set, Catts, Fey, Zhang, and Tombling (2001) found that a kindergarten measure of phonological awareness was one of five factors that predicted the presence of a reading disability in second grade. 30 _____. Once children begin reading, however, the best indicator of current and future reading may simply be reading itself. 31 _____ Wagner and his colleagues considered this issue using a large, longitudinal data set. They examined the amount of information that a measure of phonological awareness could add to the prediction of reading once a measure of current word reading and vocabulary was considered.

【題組共用題幹】

The derogatory image of “Karen” has emerged as a significant sociocultural phenomenon in contemporary American discourse, representing a particular demographic stereotype that merits scholarly examination. 32 _____. The phenomenon gained substantial visibility during 2020, concurrent with both the COVID-19 pandemic and social justice protests, prompting The Guardian to designate it as “the year of Karen.”

33 _____. For example, the character portrayed by Amanda Seyfried in the 2004 film Mean Girls, Dane Cook’s 2005 comedy sketch “The Friend Nobody Likes,” and a 2016 Nintendo Switch advertisement featuring a woman characterized as “antisocial Karen.” Digital anthropologists note that the term gained significant traction in late 2017 when Reddit users began creating and sharing memes regarding entitled women named “Karen,” leading to specialized subreddits dedicated to critiquing this behavioral archetype.

According to Professor Heather Suzanne Woods, whose research encompasses meme culture, the defining characteristics of a “Karen” include a sense of entitlement, a proclivity for complaint, and self-centered interpersonal interactions. These characteristics manifest in stereotypical behaviors such as demanding to “speak to the manager,” expressing anti-vaccination sentiments, demonstrating racial prejudice, and exhibiting excessive engagement with social media platforms, particularly Facebook. 34 _____.

The discourse surrounding “Karen” exemplifies the intersection of race, gender, class, and privilege in American society. While scholars such as Apryl Williams argue these characterizations function to “actively call out white supremacy,” critics contend the term itself constitutes a problematic form of prejudice that encompasses racist, sexist, ageist, and classist elements. 35 _____ Meanwhile it simultaneously raises questions about the ethics and efficacy of such characterizations in advancing social justice objectives.

【題組共用題幹】

The derogatory image of “Karen” has emerged as a significant sociocultural phenomenon in contemporary American discourse, representing a particular demographic stereotype that merits scholarly examination. 32 _____. The phenomenon gained substantial visibility during 2020, concurrent with both the COVID-19 pandemic and social justice protests, prompting The Guardian to designate it as “the year of Karen.”

33 _____. For example, the character portrayed by Amanda Seyfried in the 2004 film Mean Girls, Dane Cook’s 2005 comedy sketch “The Friend Nobody Likes,” and a 2016 Nintendo Switch advertisement featuring a woman characterized as “antisocial Karen.” Digital anthropologists note that the term gained significant traction in late 2017 when Reddit users began creating and sharing memes regarding entitled women named “Karen,” leading to specialized subreddits dedicated to critiquing this behavioral archetype.

According to Professor Heather Suzanne Woods, whose research encompasses meme culture, the defining characteristics of a “Karen” include a sense of entitlement, a proclivity for complaint, and self-centered interpersonal interactions. These characteristics manifest in stereotypical behaviors such as demanding to “speak to the manager,” expressing anti-vaccination sentiments, demonstrating racial prejudice, and exhibiting excessive engagement with social media platforms, particularly Facebook. 34 _____.

The discourse surrounding “Karen” exemplifies the intersection of race, gender, class, and privilege in American society. While scholars such as Apryl Williams argue these characterizations function to “actively call out white supremacy,” critics contend the term itself constitutes a problematic form of prejudice that encompasses racist, sexist, ageist, and classist elements. 35 _____ Meanwhile it simultaneously raises questions about the ethics and efficacy of such characterizations in advancing social justice objectives.

【題組共用題幹】

The derogatory image of “Karen” has emerged as a significant sociocultural phenomenon in contemporary American discourse, representing a particular demographic stereotype that merits scholarly examination. 32 _____. The phenomenon gained substantial visibility during 2020, concurrent with both the COVID-19 pandemic and social justice protests, prompting The Guardian to designate it as “the year of Karen.”

33 _____. For example, the character portrayed by Amanda Seyfried in the 2004 film Mean Girls, Dane Cook’s 2005 comedy sketch “The Friend Nobody Likes,” and a 2016 Nintendo Switch advertisement featuring a woman characterized as “antisocial Karen.” Digital anthropologists note that the term gained significant traction in late 2017 when Reddit users began creating and sharing memes regarding entitled women named “Karen,” leading to specialized subreddits dedicated to critiquing this behavioral archetype.

According to Professor Heather Suzanne Woods, whose research encompasses meme culture, the defining characteristics of a “Karen” include a sense of entitlement, a proclivity for complaint, and self-centered interpersonal interactions. These characteristics manifest in stereotypical behaviors such as demanding to “speak to the manager,” expressing anti-vaccination sentiments, demonstrating racial prejudice, and exhibiting excessive engagement with social media platforms, particularly Facebook. 34 _____.

The discourse surrounding “Karen” exemplifies the intersection of race, gender, class, and privilege in American society. While scholars such as Apryl Williams argue these characterizations function to “actively call out white supremacy,” critics contend the term itself constitutes a problematic form of prejudice that encompasses racist, sexist, ageist, and classist elements. 35 _____ Meanwhile it simultaneously raises questions about the ethics and efficacy of such characterizations in advancing social justice objectives.

【題組共用題幹】

The derogatory image of “Karen” has emerged as a significant sociocultural phenomenon in contemporary American discourse, representing a particular demographic stereotype that merits scholarly examination. 32 _____. The phenomenon gained substantial visibility during 2020, concurrent with both the COVID-19 pandemic and social justice protests, prompting The Guardian to designate it as “the year of Karen.”

33 _____. For example, the character portrayed by Amanda Seyfried in the 2004 film Mean Girls, Dane Cook’s 2005 comedy sketch “The Friend Nobody Likes,” and a 2016 Nintendo Switch advertisement featuring a woman characterized as “antisocial Karen.” Digital anthropologists note that the term gained significant traction in late 2017 when Reddit users began creating and sharing memes regarding entitled women named “Karen,” leading to specialized subreddits dedicated to critiquing this behavioral archetype.

According to Professor Heather Suzanne Woods, whose research encompasses meme culture, the defining characteristics of a “Karen” include a sense of entitlement, a proclivity for complaint, and self-centered interpersonal interactions. These characteristics manifest in stereotypical behaviors such as demanding to “speak to the manager,” expressing anti-vaccination sentiments, demonstrating racial prejudice, and exhibiting excessive engagement with social media platforms, particularly Facebook. 34 _____.

The discourse surrounding “Karen” exemplifies the intersection of race, gender, class, and privilege in American society. While scholars such as Apryl Williams argue these characterizations function to “actively call out white supremacy,” critics contend the term itself constitutes a problematic form of prejudice that encompasses racist, sexist, ageist, and classist elements. 35 _____ Meanwhile it simultaneously raises questions about the ethics and efficacy of such characterizations in advancing social justice objectives.

【題組共用題幹】

This survey study examined the availability and types of survivorship services for adult-onset cancer across ACS CoC–accredited programs, which provide cancer care to 75% of U.S. patients. The findings highlight both widespread availability of certain services and significant gaps, identifying areas for improvement. Establishing this national benchmark enables tracking progress and assessing new approaches in survivorship care.

Despite being recognized as an essential phase of cancer treatment, survivorship care remains underdeveloped. Nearly 90% of programs offer screening for new or recurrent cancers and specialty referrals for late-effect management. However, services such as cancer genetics counseling, fertility, and sexual health support are less available, despite patient-reported importance. Additionally, few programs offer patient support groups, fitness programs, or educational series, largely due to lack of insurance reimbursement. These findings align with a 2024 study by Anampa-Guzmán et al., which also noted the underrepresentation of genetic counseling and fertility services.

Survivorship care plans and treatment summaries are intended to provide critical health information to survivors and practitioners. While recent studies question their value due to high resource demands, over 90% of programs still provide them, suggesting either perceived benefits or the lingering effects of accreditation requirements.

Most programs integrate survivorship care within the cancer treatment team, while only one-third offer specialized survivorship clinics. This contrasts with pediatric oncology, where late-effects clinics are standard. Specialized clinics are more common in comprehensive cancer centers than in community-based settings. The American Society of Clinical Oncology supports a disease- and treatment-specific survivorship model, which may be more practical for adult-onset cancers given their higher prevalence. Further research is needed to determine optimal care models based on cancer type, age, and risk factors.

Institutional support for survivorship programs remains limited. Programs report lacking funding, dedicated staff, marketing, philanthropy, and technological infrastructure. The most needed resources include dedicated advanced practice clinicians (APCs), improved IT support, and greater internal visibility. Surprisingly, acquiring survivorship physicians, external marketing, research, and philanthropy were lower priorities.

Although nearly 90% of programs recognize the benefits of survivorship services, only a minority of patients receive them. The primary barriers are low referral rates from oncologists and limited patient awareness. Addressing these issues requires institutional investment in staff, enhancements to electronic health record systems, better patient education materials, and clearer referral protocols. Research is needed to evaluate the impact of these initiatives.

Many findings align with qualitative studies of U.S. survivorship programs, such as those by Manne and Nekhlyudov, which also reported variations in services and clinical models. While some programs leverage electronic health records for communication, enhanced modules for treatment summaries are underutilized. Critical resources include sustainable funding, informatics for tracking outcomes, and institutional backing to develop viable business plans.

This study provides quantitative insights using data from nearly 400 CoC-accredited programs, reflecting the diversity of cancer care in the U.S. Future research adopting both quantitative and qualitative methodologies is strongly advised.

What is the primary goal of this survey study?

【題組共用題幹】

This survey study examined the availability and types of survivorship services for adult-onset cancer across ACS CoC–accredited programs, which provide cancer care to 75% of U.S. patients. The findings highlight both widespread availability of certain services and significant gaps, identifying areas for improvement. Establishing this national benchmark enables tracking progress and assessing new approaches in survivorship care.

Despite being recognized as an essential phase of cancer treatment, survivorship care remains underdeveloped. Nearly 90% of programs offer screening for new or recurrent cancers and specialty referrals for late-effect management. However, services such as cancer genetics counseling, fertility, and sexual health support are less available, despite patient-reported importance. Additionally, few programs offer patient support groups, fitness programs, or educational series, largely due to lack of insurance reimbursement. These findings align with a 2024 study by Anampa-Guzmán et al., which also noted the underrepresentation of genetic counseling and fertility services.

Survivorship care plans and treatment summaries are intended to provide critical health information to survivors and practitioners. While recent studies question their value due to high resource demands, over 90% of programs still provide them, suggesting either perceived benefits or the lingering effects of accreditation requirements.

Most programs integrate survivorship care within the cancer treatment team, while only one-third offer specialized survivorship clinics. This contrasts with pediatric oncology, where late-effects clinics are standard. Specialized clinics are more common in comprehensive cancer centers than in community-based settings. The American Society of Clinical Oncology supports a disease- and treatment-specific survivorship model, which may be more practical for adult-onset cancers given their higher prevalence. Further research is needed to determine optimal care models based on cancer type, age, and risk factors.

Institutional support for survivorship programs remains limited. Programs report lacking funding, dedicated staff, marketing, philanthropy, and technological infrastructure. The most needed resources include dedicated advanced practice clinicians (APCs), improved IT support, and greater internal visibility. Surprisingly, acquiring survivorship physicians, external marketing, research, and philanthropy were lower priorities.

Although nearly 90% of programs recognize the benefits of survivorship services, only a minority of patients receive them. The primary barriers are low referral rates from oncologists and limited patient awareness. Addressing these issues requires institutional investment in staff, enhancements to electronic health record systems, better patient education materials, and clearer referral protocols. Research is needed to evaluate the impact of these initiatives.

Many findings align with qualitative studies of U.S. survivorship programs, such as those by Manne and Nekhlyudov, which also reported variations in services and clinical models. While some programs leverage electronic health records for communication, enhanced modules for treatment summaries are underutilized. Critical resources include sustainable funding, informatics for tracking outcomes, and institutional backing to develop viable business plans.

This study provides quantitative insights using data from nearly 400 CoC-accredited programs, reflecting the diversity of cancer care in the U.S. Future research adopting both quantitative and qualitative methodologies is strongly advised.

Based on the article, which of the following statements about survivorship programs is NOT true?

【題組共用題幹】

This survey study examined the availability and types of survivorship services for adult-onset cancer across ACS CoC–accredited programs, which provide cancer care to 75% of U.S. patients. The findings highlight both widespread availability of certain services and significant gaps, identifying areas for improvement. Establishing this national benchmark enables tracking progress and assessing new approaches in survivorship care.

Despite being recognized as an essential phase of cancer treatment, survivorship care remains underdeveloped. Nearly 90% of programs offer screening for new or recurrent cancers and specialty referrals for late-effect management. However, services such as cancer genetics counseling, fertility, and sexual health support are less available, despite patient-reported importance. Additionally, few programs offer patient support groups, fitness programs, or educational series, largely due to lack of insurance reimbursement. These findings align with a 2024 study by Anampa-Guzmán et al., which also noted the underrepresentation of genetic counseling and fertility services.

Survivorship care plans and treatment summaries are intended to provide critical health information to survivors and practitioners. While recent studies question their value due to high resource demands, over 90% of programs still provide them, suggesting either perceived benefits or the lingering effects of accreditation requirements.

Most programs integrate survivorship care within the cancer treatment team, while only one-third offer specialized survivorship clinics. This contrasts with pediatric oncology, where late-effects clinics are standard. Specialized clinics are more common in comprehensive cancer centers than in community-based settings. The American Society of Clinical Oncology supports a disease- and treatment-specific survivorship model, which may be more practical for adult-onset cancers given their higher prevalence. Further research is needed to determine optimal care models based on cancer type, age, and risk factors.

Institutional support for survivorship programs remains limited. Programs report lacking funding, dedicated staff, marketing, philanthropy, and technological infrastructure. The most needed resources include dedicated advanced practice clinicians (APCs), improved IT support, and greater internal visibility. Surprisingly, acquiring survivorship physicians, external marketing, research, and philanthropy were lower priorities.

Although nearly 90% of programs recognize the benefits of survivorship services, only a minority of patients receive them. The primary barriers are low referral rates from oncologists and limited patient awareness. Addressing these issues requires institutional investment in staff, enhancements to electronic health record systems, better patient education materials, and clearer referral protocols. Research is needed to evaluate the impact of these initiatives.

Many findings align with qualitative studies of U.S. survivorship programs, such as those by Manne and Nekhlyudov, which also reported variations in services and clinical models. While some programs leverage electronic health records for communication, enhanced modules for treatment summaries are underutilized. Critical resources include sustainable funding, informatics for tracking outcomes, and institutional backing to develop viable business plans.

This study provides quantitative insights using data from nearly 400 CoC-accredited programs, reflecting the diversity of cancer care in the U.S. Future research adopting both quantitative and qualitative methodologies is strongly advised.

What constitutes a chief obstacle to patient participation in survivorship care?

【題組共用題幹】

This survey study examined the availability and types of survivorship services for adult-onset cancer across ACS CoC–accredited programs, which provide cancer care to 75% of U.S. patients. The findings highlight both widespread availability of certain services and significant gaps, identifying areas for improvement. Establishing this national benchmark enables tracking progress and assessing new approaches in survivorship care.

Despite being recognized as an essential phase of cancer treatment, survivorship care remains underdeveloped. Nearly 90% of programs offer screening for new or recurrent cancers and specialty referrals for late-effect management. However, services such as cancer genetics counseling, fertility, and sexual health support are less available, despite patient-reported importance. Additionally, few programs offer patient support groups, fitness programs, or educational series, largely due to lack of insurance reimbursement. These findings align with a 2024 study by Anampa-Guzmán et al., which also noted the underrepresentation of genetic counseling and fertility services.

Survivorship care plans and treatment summaries are intended to provide critical health information to survivors and practitioners. While recent studies question their value due to high resource demands, over 90% of programs still provide them, suggesting either perceived benefits or the lingering effects of accreditation requirements.

Most programs integrate survivorship care within the cancer treatment team, while only one-third offer specialized survivorship clinics. This contrasts with pediatric oncology, where late-effects clinics are standard. Specialized clinics are more common in comprehensive cancer centers than in community-based settings. The American Society of Clinical Oncology supports a disease- and treatment-specific survivorship model, which may be more practical for adult-onset cancers given their higher prevalence. Further research is needed to determine optimal care models based on cancer type, age, and risk factors.

Institutional support for survivorship programs remains limited. Programs report lacking funding, dedicated staff, marketing, philanthropy, and technological infrastructure. The most needed resources include dedicated advanced practice clinicians (APCs), improved IT support, and greater internal visibility. Surprisingly, acquiring survivorship physicians, external marketing, research, and philanthropy were lower priorities.

Although nearly 90% of programs recognize the benefits of survivorship services, only a minority of patients receive them. The primary barriers are low referral rates from oncologists and limited patient awareness. Addressing these issues requires institutional investment in staff, enhancements to electronic health record systems, better patient education materials, and clearer referral protocols. Research is needed to evaluate the impact of these initiatives.

Many findings align with qualitative studies of U.S. survivorship programs, such as those by Manne and Nekhlyudov, which also reported variations in services and clinical models. While some programs leverage electronic health records for communication, enhanced modules for treatment summaries are underutilized. Critical resources include sustainable funding, informatics for tracking outcomes, and institutional backing to develop viable business plans.

This study provides quantitative insights using data from nearly 400 CoC-accredited programs, reflecting the diversity of cancer care in the U.S. Future research adopting both quantitative and qualitative methodologies is strongly advised.

How do adult survivorship clinics compare to survivorship clinics for children?

【題組共用題幹】

This survey study examined the availability and types of survivorship services for adult-onset cancer across ACS CoC–accredited programs, which provide cancer care to 75% of U.S. patients. The findings highlight both widespread availability of certain services and significant gaps, identifying areas for improvement. Establishing this national benchmark enables tracking progress and assessing new approaches in survivorship care.

Despite being recognized as an essential phase of cancer treatment, survivorship care remains underdeveloped. Nearly 90% of programs offer screening for new or recurrent cancers and specialty referrals for late-effect management. However, services such as cancer genetics counseling, fertility, and sexual health support are less available, despite patient-reported importance. Additionally, few programs offer patient support groups, fitness programs, or educational series, largely due to lack of insurance reimbursement. These findings align with a 2024 study by Anampa-Guzmán et al., which also noted the underrepresentation of genetic counseling and fertility services.

Survivorship care plans and treatment summaries are intended to provide critical health information to survivors and practitioners. While recent studies question their value due to high resource demands, over 90% of programs still provide them, suggesting either perceived benefits or the lingering effects of accreditation requirements.

Most programs integrate survivorship care within the cancer treatment team, while only one-third offer specialized survivorship clinics. This contrasts with pediatric oncology, where late-effects clinics are standard. Specialized clinics are more common in comprehensive cancer centers than in community-based settings. The American Society of Clinical Oncology supports a disease- and treatment-specific survivorship model, which may be more practical for adult-onset cancers given their higher prevalence. Further research is needed to determine optimal care models based on cancer type, age, and risk factors.

Institutional support for survivorship programs remains limited. Programs report lacking funding, dedicated staff, marketing, philanthropy, and technological infrastructure. The most needed resources include dedicated advanced practice clinicians (APCs), improved IT support, and greater internal visibility. Surprisingly, acquiring survivorship physicians, external marketing, research, and philanthropy were lower priorities.

Although nearly 90% of programs recognize the benefits of survivorship services, only a minority of patients receive them. The primary barriers are low referral rates from oncologists and limited patient awareness. Addressing these issues requires institutional investment in staff, enhancements to electronic health record systems, better patient education materials, and clearer referral protocols. Research is needed to evaluate the impact of these initiatives.

Many findings align with qualitative studies of U.S. survivorship programs, such as those by Manne and Nekhlyudov, which also reported variations in services and clinical models. While some programs leverage electronic health records for communication, enhanced modules for treatment summaries are underutilized. Critical resources include sustainable funding, informatics for tracking outcomes, and institutional backing to develop viable business plans.

This study provides quantitative insights using data from nearly 400 CoC-accredited programs, reflecting the diversity of cancer care in the U.S. Future research adopting both quantitative and qualitative methodologies is strongly advised.

According to the passage, which of the following is true about survivorship care programs?

【題組共用題幹】

In contemporary global discourse, zero-sum thinking—the belief that gains for one party necessarily result in losses for another—has experienced a concerning resurgence. This perspective, which conceptualizes success as existing within a framework of finite resources and opportunities, merits critical examination.

Zero-sum thinking appears to have evolutionary roots, originating from primitive competition for scarce resources essential to survival. Anthropologist George M. Foster’s seminal 1965 research in rural Mexican communities identified “an image of limited good”—a worldview in which desirable elements such as land, wealth, friendship and love, manliness and honor, power and influence, exist in finite quantity and are always in short supply. Contemporary psychological research confirms that perceptions of scarcity and threat serve as fundamental catalysts for zero-sum thinking.

However, as noted in the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, “purely zero-sum situations are exceedingly rare” in actual human experience. The discrepancy between zero-sum perception and reality constitutes what psychologist Daniel V. Meegan identifies as a “zero-sum bias”—a tendency to perceive competitive scenarios where cooperation might prove more beneficial. Despite its proponents often positioning themselves as pragmatic realists, research indicates that zero-sum thinking is fundamentally grounded in fear and insecurity rather than rational assessment.

The historical precedent for zero-sum thinking in international relations can be traced to European mercantilism of the 16th–19th centuries, when wealth was conceptualized primarily through gold, silver, and territorial acquisition. This paradigm produced destructive trade monopolies and protectionist policies that precipitated numerous conflicts. Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations (1776) represented a pivotal theoretical challenge to mercantilist assumptions. Smith demonstrated that wealth transcended precious metals to encompass gross domestic product—the totality of economic activity—and could be expanded through productivity improvements, innovation, and comparative advantage in trade.

The post-WWII international order emerged as a deliberate counterpoint to zero-sum geopolitics, establishing institutions like the International Monetary Fund to foster economic interdependence. This system, despite its imperfections, facilitated unprecedented global prosperity, with fourfold economic growth since the 1980s and significant nuclear disarmament achievements.

Recent years have witnessed a troubling reversion to zero-sum thinking across multiple domains. As Hal Brands observes, this represents “a backlash against the positive-sum thinking of the post-Cold War era—the idea that globalization could lift all boats.” This resurgence manifests in protectionist trade policies, xenophobic immigration rhetoric, and increasingly confrontational international relations. Some political leaders have displayed pronounced zero-sum tendencies, conceptualizing international relations as fundamentally competitive rather than cooperative. This approach threatens to undermine the foundations of the post-war liberal order and potentially revive destructive great power rivalries.

Zero-sum thinking extends beyond geopolitics into domestic social dynamics. Psychologist J. Clifton suggests that contemporary zero-sum thinking may stem from anxieties about meaning and significance rather than material scarcity. Many individuals perceive that the recognition of another group’s importance necessarily diminishes their own—a mechanism that exacerbates social polarization.

Research indicates that deliberate intervention can mitigate zero-sum thinking. Michael Smithson notes that individuals faced with zero-sum scenarios often respond by “minimizing investment and holding back resources”—effectively boycotting the zero-sum framework. This creates opportunities for collaborative actors to establish alternative paradigms.

Educational interventions can prove effective. Smithson reports success in encouraging students collaboration by positioning themselves as a common challenge, thereby reframing competition as cooperation. Similarly, Daniel Kahneman’s work demonstrates that reflective slow thinking can overcome instinctive zero-sum assumptions.

The challenge for contemporary societies involves cultivating awareness of zero-sum biases and developing institutional frameworks that incentivize cooperation. Economic policies addressing inequality may prove particularly important, as research consistently demonstrates correlations between resource disparity and zero-sum mentalities.

A transition toward positive-sum thinking requires acknowledging the legitimate grievances that fuel zero-sum perspectives while demonstrating that collaborative approaches ultimately generate superior outcomes for all participants. By recognizing our shared interests in addressing transnational challenges like climate change, pandemic response, and technological regulation, we may transcend the limitations of zero-sum thinking and construct more productive paradigms for global cooperation.

According to the passage, which of the following is accurate about zero-sum thinking?

【題組共用題幹】

In contemporary global discourse, zero-sum thinking—the belief that gains for one party necessarily result in losses for another—has experienced a concerning resurgence. This perspective, which conceptualizes success as existing within a framework of finite resources and opportunities, merits critical examination.

Zero-sum thinking appears to have evolutionary roots, originating from primitive competition for scarce resources essential to survival. Anthropologist George M. Foster’s seminal 1965 research in rural Mexican communities identified “an image of limited good”—a worldview in which desirable elements such as land, wealth, friendship and love, manliness and honor, power and influence, exist in finite quantity and are always in short supply. Contemporary psychological research confirms that perceptions of scarcity and threat serve as fundamental catalysts for zero-sum thinking.

However, as noted in the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, “purely zero-sum situations are exceedingly rare” in actual human experience. The discrepancy between zero-sum perception and reality constitutes what psychologist Daniel V. Meegan identifies as a “zero-sum bias”—a tendency to perceive competitive scenarios where cooperation might prove more beneficial. Despite its proponents often positioning themselves as pragmatic realists, research indicates that zero-sum thinking is fundamentally grounded in fear and insecurity rather than rational assessment.

The historical precedent for zero-sum thinking in international relations can be traced to European mercantilism of the 16th–19th centuries, when wealth was conceptualized primarily through gold, silver, and territorial acquisition. This paradigm produced destructive trade monopolies and protectionist policies that precipitated numerous conflicts. Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations (1776) represented a pivotal theoretical challenge to mercantilist assumptions. Smith demonstrated that wealth transcended precious metals to encompass gross domestic product—the totality of economic activity—and could be expanded through productivity improvements, innovation, and comparative advantage in trade.

The post-WWII international order emerged as a deliberate counterpoint to zero-sum geopolitics, establishing institutions like the International Monetary Fund to foster economic interdependence. This system, despite its imperfections, facilitated unprecedented global prosperity, with fourfold economic growth since the 1980s and significant nuclear disarmament achievements.

Recent years have witnessed a troubling reversion to zero-sum thinking across multiple domains. As Hal Brands observes, this represents “a backlash against the positive-sum thinking of the post-Cold War era—the idea that globalization could lift all boats.” This resurgence manifests in protectionist trade policies, xenophobic immigration rhetoric, and increasingly confrontational international relations. Some political leaders have displayed pronounced zero-sum tendencies, conceptualizing international relations as fundamentally competitive rather than cooperative. This approach threatens to undermine the foundations of the post-war liberal order and potentially revive destructive great power rivalries.

Zero-sum thinking extends beyond geopolitics into domestic social dynamics. Psychologist J. Clifton suggests that contemporary zero-sum thinking may stem from anxieties about meaning and significance rather than material scarcity. Many individuals perceive that the recognition of another group’s importance necessarily diminishes their own—a mechanism that exacerbates social polarization.

Research indicates that deliberate intervention can mitigate zero-sum thinking. Michael Smithson notes that individuals faced with zero-sum scenarios often respond by “minimizing investment and holding back resources”—effectively boycotting the zero-sum framework. This creates opportunities for collaborative actors to establish alternative paradigms.

Educational interventions can prove effective. Smithson reports success in encouraging students collaboration by positioning themselves as a common challenge, thereby reframing competition as cooperation. Similarly, Daniel Kahneman’s work demonstrates that reflective slow thinking can overcome instinctive zero-sum assumptions.

The challenge for contemporary societies involves cultivating awareness of zero-sum biases and developing institutional frameworks that incentivize cooperation. Economic policies addressing inequality may prove particularly important, as research consistently demonstrates correlations between resource disparity and zero-sum mentalities.

A transition toward positive-sum thinking requires acknowledging the legitimate grievances that fuel zero-sum perspectives while demonstrating that collaborative approaches ultimately generate superior outcomes for all participants. By recognizing our shared interests in addressing transnational challenges like climate change, pandemic response, and technological regulation, we may transcend the limitations of zero-sum thinking and construct more productive paradigms for global cooperation.

Which of the following is cited as an irrational manifestation of zero-sum thinking?

【題組共用題幹】

In contemporary global discourse, zero-sum thinking—the belief that gains for one party necessarily result in losses for another—has experienced a concerning resurgence. This perspective, which conceptualizes success as existing within a framework of finite resources and opportunities, merits critical examination.

Zero-sum thinking appears to have evolutionary roots, originating from primitive competition for scarce resources essential to survival. Anthropologist George M. Foster’s seminal 1965 research in rural Mexican communities identified “an image of limited good”—a worldview in which desirable elements such as land, wealth, friendship and love, manliness and honor, power and influence, exist in finite quantity and are always in short supply. Contemporary psychological research confirms that perceptions of scarcity and threat serve as fundamental catalysts for zero-sum thinking.

However, as noted in the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, “purely zero-sum situations are exceedingly rare” in actual human experience. The discrepancy between zero-sum perception and reality constitutes what psychologist Daniel V. Meegan identifies as a “zero-sum bias”—a tendency to perceive competitive scenarios where cooperation might prove more beneficial. Despite its proponents often positioning themselves as pragmatic realists, research indicates that zero-sum thinking is fundamentally grounded in fear and insecurity rather than rational assessment.

The historical precedent for zero-sum thinking in international relations can be traced to European mercantilism of the 16th–19th centuries, when wealth was conceptualized primarily through gold, silver, and territorial acquisition. This paradigm produced destructive trade monopolies and protectionist policies that precipitated numerous conflicts. Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations (1776) represented a pivotal theoretical challenge to mercantilist assumptions. Smith demonstrated that wealth transcended precious metals to encompass gross domestic product—the totality of economic activity—and could be expanded through productivity improvements, innovation, and comparative advantage in trade.

The post-WWII international order emerged as a deliberate counterpoint to zero-sum geopolitics, establishing institutions like the International Monetary Fund to foster economic interdependence. This system, despite its imperfections, facilitated unprecedented global prosperity, with fourfold economic growth since the 1980s and significant nuclear disarmament achievements.

Recent years have witnessed a troubling reversion to zero-sum thinking across multiple domains. As Hal Brands observes, this represents “a backlash against the positive-sum thinking of the post-Cold War era—the idea that globalization could lift all boats.” This resurgence manifests in protectionist trade policies, xenophobic immigration rhetoric, and increasingly confrontational international relations. Some political leaders have displayed pronounced zero-sum tendencies, conceptualizing international relations as fundamentally competitive rather than cooperative. This approach threatens to undermine the foundations of the post-war liberal order and potentially revive destructive great power rivalries.

Zero-sum thinking extends beyond geopolitics into domestic social dynamics. Psychologist J. Clifton suggests that contemporary zero-sum thinking may stem from anxieties about meaning and significance rather than material scarcity. Many individuals perceive that the recognition of another group’s importance necessarily diminishes their own—a mechanism that exacerbates social polarization.

Research indicates that deliberate intervention can mitigate zero-sum thinking. Michael Smithson notes that individuals faced with zero-sum scenarios often respond by “minimizing investment and holding back resources”—effectively boycotting the zero-sum framework. This creates opportunities for collaborative actors to establish alternative paradigms.

Educational interventions can prove effective. Smithson reports success in encouraging students collaboration by positioning themselves as a common challenge, thereby reframing competition as cooperation. Similarly, Daniel Kahneman’s work demonstrates that reflective slow thinking can overcome instinctive zero-sum assumptions.

The challenge for contemporary societies involves cultivating awareness of zero-sum biases and developing institutional frameworks that incentivize cooperation. Economic policies addressing inequality may prove particularly important, as research consistently demonstrates correlations between resource disparity and zero-sum mentalities.

A transition toward positive-sum thinking requires acknowledging the legitimate grievances that fuel zero-sum perspectives while demonstrating that collaborative approaches ultimately generate superior outcomes for all participants. By recognizing our shared interests in addressing transnational challenges like climate change, pandemic response, and technological regulation, we may transcend the limitations of zero-sum thinking and construct more productive paradigms for global cooperation.

According to the passage, which of the following statements is true?

【題組共用題幹】

In contemporary global discourse, zero-sum thinking—the belief that gains for one party necessarily result in losses for another—has experienced a concerning resurgence. This perspective, which conceptualizes success as existing within a framework of finite resources and opportunities, merits critical examination.

Zero-sum thinking appears to have evolutionary roots, originating from primitive competition for scarce resources essential to survival. Anthropologist George M. Foster’s seminal 1965 research in rural Mexican communities identified “an image of limited good”—a worldview in which desirable elements such as land, wealth, friendship and love, manliness and honor, power and influence, exist in finite quantity and are always in short supply. Contemporary psychological research confirms that perceptions of scarcity and threat serve as fundamental catalysts for zero-sum thinking.

However, as noted in the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, “purely zero-sum situations are exceedingly rare” in actual human experience. The discrepancy between zero-sum perception and reality constitutes what psychologist Daniel V. Meegan identifies as a “zero-sum bias”—a tendency to perceive competitive scenarios where cooperation might prove more beneficial. Despite its proponents often positioning themselves as pragmatic realists, research indicates that zero-sum thinking is fundamentally grounded in fear and insecurity rather than rational assessment.

The historical precedent for zero-sum thinking in international relations can be traced to European mercantilism of the 16th–19th centuries, when wealth was conceptualized primarily through gold, silver, and territorial acquisition. This paradigm produced destructive trade monopolies and protectionist policies that precipitated numerous conflicts. Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations (1776) represented a pivotal theoretical challenge to mercantilist assumptions. Smith demonstrated that wealth transcended precious metals to encompass gross domestic product—the totality of economic activity—and could be expanded through productivity improvements, innovation, and comparative advantage in trade.

The post-WWII international order emerged as a deliberate counterpoint to zero-sum geopolitics, establishing institutions like the International Monetary Fund to foster economic interdependence. This system, despite its imperfections, facilitated unprecedented global prosperity, with fourfold economic growth since the 1980s and significant nuclear disarmament achievements.

Recent years have witnessed a troubling reversion to zero-sum thinking across multiple domains. As Hal Brands observes, this represents “a backlash against the positive-sum thinking of the post-Cold War era—the idea that globalization could lift all boats.” This resurgence manifests in protectionist trade policies, xenophobic immigration rhetoric, and increasingly confrontational international relations. Some political leaders have displayed pronounced zero-sum tendencies, conceptualizing international relations as fundamentally competitive rather than cooperative. This approach threatens to undermine the foundations of the post-war liberal order and potentially revive destructive great power rivalries.

Zero-sum thinking extends beyond geopolitics into domestic social dynamics. Psychologist J. Clifton suggests that contemporary zero-sum thinking may stem from anxieties about meaning and significance rather than material scarcity. Many individuals perceive that the recognition of another group’s importance necessarily diminishes their own—a mechanism that exacerbates social polarization.

Research indicates that deliberate intervention can mitigate zero-sum thinking. Michael Smithson notes that individuals faced with zero-sum scenarios often respond by “minimizing investment and holding back resources”—effectively boycotting the zero-sum framework. This creates opportunities for collaborative actors to establish alternative paradigms.

Educational interventions can prove effective. Smithson reports success in encouraging students collaboration by positioning themselves as a common challenge, thereby reframing competition as cooperation. Similarly, Daniel Kahneman’s work demonstrates that reflective slow thinking can overcome instinctive zero-sum assumptions.

The challenge for contemporary societies involves cultivating awareness of zero-sum biases and developing institutional frameworks that incentivize cooperation. Economic policies addressing inequality may prove particularly important, as research consistently demonstrates correlations between resource disparity and zero-sum mentalities.

A transition toward positive-sum thinking requires acknowledging the legitimate grievances that fuel zero-sum perspectives while demonstrating that collaborative approaches ultimately generate superior outcomes for all participants. By recognizing our shared interests in addressing transnational challenges like climate change, pandemic response, and technological regulation, we may transcend the limitations of zero-sum thinking and construct more productive paradigms for global cooperation.

According to the passage, which is NOT a measure that alleviates zero-sum thinking?

【題組共用題幹】

In contemporary global discourse, zero-sum thinking—the belief that gains for one party necessarily result in losses for another—has experienced a concerning resurgence. This perspective, which conceptualizes success as existing within a framework of finite resources and opportunities, merits critical examination.

Zero-sum thinking appears to have evolutionary roots, originating from primitive competition for scarce resources essential to survival. Anthropologist George M. Foster’s seminal 1965 research in rural Mexican communities identified “an image of limited good”—a worldview in which desirable elements such as land, wealth, friendship and love, manliness and honor, power and influence, exist in finite quantity and are always in short supply. Contemporary psychological research confirms that perceptions of scarcity and threat serve as fundamental catalysts for zero-sum thinking.

However, as noted in the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, “purely zero-sum situations are exceedingly rare” in actual human experience. The discrepancy between zero-sum perception and reality constitutes what psychologist Daniel V. Meegan identifies as a “zero-sum bias”—a tendency to perceive competitive scenarios where cooperation might prove more beneficial. Despite its proponents often positioning themselves as pragmatic realists, research indicates that zero-sum thinking is fundamentally grounded in fear and insecurity rather than rational assessment.

The historical precedent for zero-sum thinking in international relations can be traced to European mercantilism of the 16th–19th centuries, when wealth was conceptualized primarily through gold, silver, and territorial acquisition. This paradigm produced destructive trade monopolies and protectionist policies that precipitated numerous conflicts. Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations (1776) represented a pivotal theoretical challenge to mercantilist assumptions. Smith demonstrated that wealth transcended precious metals to encompass gross domestic product—the totality of economic activity—and could be expanded through productivity improvements, innovation, and comparative advantage in trade.

The post-WWII international order emerged as a deliberate counterpoint to zero-sum geopolitics, establishing institutions like the International Monetary Fund to foster economic interdependence. This system, despite its imperfections, facilitated unprecedented global prosperity, with fourfold economic growth since the 1980s and significant nuclear disarmament achievements.

Recent years have witnessed a troubling reversion to zero-sum thinking across multiple domains. As Hal Brands observes, this represents “a backlash against the positive-sum thinking of the post-Cold War era—the idea that globalization could lift all boats.” This resurgence manifests in protectionist trade policies, xenophobic immigration rhetoric, and increasingly confrontational international relations. Some political leaders have displayed pronounced zero-sum tendencies, conceptualizing international relations as fundamentally competitive rather than cooperative. This approach threatens to undermine the foundations of the post-war liberal order and potentially revive destructive great power rivalries.

Zero-sum thinking extends beyond geopolitics into domestic social dynamics. Psychologist J. Clifton suggests that contemporary zero-sum thinking may stem from anxieties about meaning and significance rather than material scarcity. Many individuals perceive that the recognition of another group’s importance necessarily diminishes their own—a mechanism that exacerbates social polarization.

Research indicates that deliberate intervention can mitigate zero-sum thinking. Michael Smithson notes that individuals faced with zero-sum scenarios often respond by “minimizing investment and holding back resources”—effectively boycotting the zero-sum framework. This creates opportunities for collaborative actors to establish alternative paradigms.

Educational interventions can prove effective. Smithson reports success in encouraging students collaboration by positioning themselves as a common challenge, thereby reframing competition as cooperation. Similarly, Daniel Kahneman’s work demonstrates that reflective slow thinking can overcome instinctive zero-sum assumptions.

The challenge for contemporary societies involves cultivating awareness of zero-sum biases and developing institutional frameworks that incentivize cooperation. Economic policies addressing inequality may prove particularly important, as research consistently demonstrates correlations between resource disparity and zero-sum mentalities.

A transition toward positive-sum thinking requires acknowledging the legitimate grievances that fuel zero-sum perspectives while demonstrating that collaborative approaches ultimately generate superior outcomes for all participants. By recognizing our shared interests in addressing transnational challenges like climate change, pandemic response, and technological regulation, we may transcend the limitations of zero-sum thinking and construct more productive paradigms for global cooperation.

According to the passage, which of the following statements is false?

【題組共用題幹】

This umbrella review critically evaluates top-tier evidence on nutrient supplements for female infertility. Overall, the evidence remains highly uncertain regarding the effects of multiple micronutrients and antioxidants on live birth rates. L-arginine, CoQ10, melatonin, vitamin B complex, vitamin D, and vitamin E did not significantly improve live birth rates. Clinical pregnancy rates may benefit from L-carnitine, CoQ10, melatonin, myo-inositol, NAC, and vitamin D, but the evidence remains weak. Biochemical pregnancy rates were not increased with vitamin D, and adverse effects were poorly reported. Limited and low-quality studies necessitate cautious interpretation of these findings.

For live birth rates, multiple micronutrients showed very low certainty evidence of benefits. Variability in formulations across three randomized controlled trials (RCTs) made general recommendations difficult. Similarly, pooled antioxidants—diverse compounds reducing oxidative stress—showed very low certainty evidence for improving live birth rates. A literature review suggests micronutrient supplementation may help restore nutrient levels and reduce oxidative stress, but more high-quality RCTs are needed to confirm efficacy.

For clinical pregnancy rates, L-carnitine, myo-inositol, and NAC showed potential benefits, particularly in women with PCOS. These nutrients support metabolism, reproductive health, and oxidative stress reduction. However, findings stem from limited studies (two RCTs per nutrient, with 177–450 participants), highlighting the need for further research to clarify their effectiveness in female infertility treatment.

Among women undergoing medically assisted reproduction (MAR), CoQ10 may improve clinical pregnancy rates based on four RCTs ($n=397$), though the evidence remains uncertain. As a mitochondrial antioxidant, CoQ10 may help reverse ovarian dysfunction, support ovulation, and enhance embryo development. Preclinical and clinical data suggest CoQ10 is well tolerated at doses up to $1200\ \mathrm{mg/day}$, but large-scale studies are necessary to confirm efficacy.

Melatonin and vitamin D may also improve clinical pregnancy rates in MAR patients, though evidence is inconsistent. Melatonin, a hormone with antioxidant and anti-inflammatory effects, may slow ovarian aging and enhance oocyte quality. However, due to methodological limitations and inconsistencies in trials, further research is required, especially on higher doses and longer treatments. Vitamin D, known for its role in bone health, also influences reproductive function through hormone regulation and endometrial receptivity. Four studies using calcitriol, the most active vitamin D form, suggested potential benefits, but more research is needed to explore the relationship between vitamin D and fertility.

Currently, no specific nutrient supplements can be confidently recommended for improving fertility outcomes. However, many of these interventions pose minimal risks and may help correct deficiencies and boost antioxidant levels. While adverse event reporting was limited, CoQ10, melatonin, NAC, vitamin D, L-carnitine, and inositol appear safe and well tolerated. Future studies must focus on robust reporting of side effects and long-term safety to guide clinical recommendations.

Which of the following statements best describes the impact of nutrient supplementation on live birth rates in women with infertility?

【題組共用題幹】

This umbrella review critically evaluates top-tier evidence on nutrient supplements for female infertility. Overall, the evidence remains highly uncertain regarding the effects of multiple micronutrients and antioxidants on live birth rates. L-arginine, CoQ10, melatonin, vitamin B complex, vitamin D, and vitamin E did not significantly improve live birth rates. Clinical pregnancy rates may benefit from L-carnitine, CoQ10, melatonin, myo-inositol, NAC, and vitamin D, but the evidence remains weak. Biochemical pregnancy rates were not increased with vitamin D, and adverse effects were poorly reported. Limited and low-quality studies necessitate cautious interpretation of these findings.

For live birth rates, multiple micronutrients showed very low certainty evidence of benefits. Variability in formulations across three randomized controlled trials (RCTs) made general recommendations difficult. Similarly, pooled antioxidants—diverse compounds reducing oxidative stress—showed very low certainty evidence for improving live birth rates. A literature review suggests micronutrient supplementation may help restore nutrient levels and reduce oxidative stress, but more high-quality RCTs are needed to confirm efficacy.

For clinical pregnancy rates, L-carnitine, myo-inositol, and NAC showed potential benefits, particularly in women with PCOS. These nutrients support metabolism, reproductive health, and oxidative stress reduction. However, findings stem from limited studies (two RCTs per nutrient, with 177–450 participants), highlighting the need for further research to clarify their effectiveness in female infertility treatment.

Among women undergoing medically assisted reproduction (MAR), CoQ10 may improve clinical pregnancy rates based on four RCTs ($n=397$), though the evidence remains uncertain. As a mitochondrial antioxidant, CoQ10 may help reverse ovarian dysfunction, support ovulation, and enhance embryo development. Preclinical and clinical data suggest CoQ10 is well tolerated at doses up to $1200\ \mathrm{mg/day}$, but large-scale studies are necessary to confirm efficacy.

Melatonin and vitamin D may also improve clinical pregnancy rates in MAR patients, though evidence is inconsistent. Melatonin, a hormone with antioxidant and anti-inflammatory effects, may slow ovarian aging and enhance oocyte quality. However, due to methodological limitations and inconsistencies in trials, further research is required, especially on higher doses and longer treatments. Vitamin D, known for its role in bone health, also influences reproductive function through hormone regulation and endometrial receptivity. Four studies using calcitriol, the most active vitamin D form, suggested potential benefits, but more research is needed to explore the relationship between vitamin D and fertility.

Currently, no specific nutrient supplements can be confidently recommended for improving fertility outcomes. However, many of these interventions pose minimal risks and may help correct deficiencies and boost antioxidant levels. While adverse event reporting was limited, CoQ10, melatonin, NAC, vitamin D, L-carnitine, and inositol appear safe and well tolerated. Future studies must focus on robust reporting of side effects and long-term safety to guide clinical recommendations.

Why is it a challenge to provide general recommendations on the prescription of multiple micronutrients?

【題組共用題幹】

This umbrella review critically evaluates top-tier evidence on nutrient supplements for female infertility. Overall, the evidence remains highly uncertain regarding the effects of multiple micronutrients and antioxidants on live birth rates. L-arginine, CoQ10, melatonin, vitamin B complex, vitamin D, and vitamin E did not significantly improve live birth rates. Clinical pregnancy rates may benefit from L-carnitine, CoQ10, melatonin, myo-inositol, NAC, and vitamin D, but the evidence remains weak. Biochemical pregnancy rates were not increased with vitamin D, and adverse effects were poorly reported. Limited and low-quality studies necessitate cautious interpretation of these findings.

For live birth rates, multiple micronutrients showed very low certainty evidence of benefits. Variability in formulations across three randomized controlled trials (RCTs) made general recommendations difficult. Similarly, pooled antioxidants—diverse compounds reducing oxidative stress—showed very low certainty evidence for improving live birth rates. A literature review suggests micronutrient supplementation may help restore nutrient levels and reduce oxidative stress, but more high-quality RCTs are needed to confirm efficacy.

For clinical pregnancy rates, L-carnitine, myo-inositol, and NAC showed potential benefits, particularly in women with PCOS. These nutrients support metabolism, reproductive health, and oxidative stress reduction. However, findings stem from limited studies (two RCTs per nutrient, with 177–450 participants), highlighting the need for further research to clarify their effectiveness in female infertility treatment.

Among women undergoing medically assisted reproduction (MAR), CoQ10 may improve clinical pregnancy rates based on four RCTs ($n=397$), though the evidence remains uncertain. As a mitochondrial antioxidant, CoQ10 may help reverse ovarian dysfunction, support ovulation, and enhance embryo development. Preclinical and clinical data suggest CoQ10 is well tolerated at doses up to $1200\ \mathrm{mg/day}$, but large-scale studies are necessary to confirm efficacy.

Melatonin and vitamin D may also improve clinical pregnancy rates in MAR patients, though evidence is inconsistent. Melatonin, a hormone with antioxidant and anti-inflammatory effects, may slow ovarian aging and enhance oocyte quality. However, due to methodological limitations and inconsistencies in trials, further research is required, especially on higher doses and longer treatments. Vitamin D, known for its role in bone health, also influences reproductive function through hormone regulation and endometrial receptivity. Four studies using calcitriol, the most active vitamin D form, suggested potential benefits, but more research is needed to explore the relationship between vitamin D and fertility.

Currently, no specific nutrient supplements can be confidently recommended for improving fertility outcomes. However, many of these interventions pose minimal risks and may help correct deficiencies and boost antioxidant levels. While adverse event reporting was limited, CoQ10, melatonin, NAC, vitamin D, L-carnitine, and inositol appear safe and well tolerated. Future studies must focus on robust reporting of side effects and long-term safety to guide clinical recommendations.

According to the review article, which of the following is NOT true?

【題組共用題幹】

This umbrella review critically evaluates top-tier evidence on nutrient supplements for female infertility. Overall, the evidence remains highly uncertain regarding the effects of multiple micronutrients and antioxidants on live birth rates. L-arginine, CoQ10, melatonin, vitamin B complex, vitamin D, and vitamin E did not significantly improve live birth rates. Clinical pregnancy rates may benefit from L-carnitine, CoQ10, melatonin, myo-inositol, NAC, and vitamin D, but the evidence remains weak. Biochemical pregnancy rates were not increased with vitamin D, and adverse effects were poorly reported. Limited and low-quality studies necessitate cautious interpretation of these findings.

For live birth rates, multiple micronutrients showed very low certainty evidence of benefits. Variability in formulations across three randomized controlled trials (RCTs) made general recommendations difficult. Similarly, pooled antioxidants—diverse compounds reducing oxidative stress—showed very low certainty evidence for improving live birth rates. A literature review suggests micronutrient supplementation may help restore nutrient levels and reduce oxidative stress, but more high-quality RCTs are needed to confirm efficacy.

For clinical pregnancy rates, L-carnitine, myo-inositol, and NAC showed potential benefits, particularly in women with PCOS. These nutrients support metabolism, reproductive health, and oxidative stress reduction. However, findings stem from limited studies (two RCTs per nutrient, with 177–450 participants), highlighting the need for further research to clarify their effectiveness in female infertility treatment.

Among women undergoing medically assisted reproduction (MAR), CoQ10 may improve clinical pregnancy rates based on four RCTs ($n=397$), though the evidence remains uncertain. As a mitochondrial antioxidant, CoQ10 may help reverse ovarian dysfunction, support ovulation, and enhance embryo development. Preclinical and clinical data suggest CoQ10 is well tolerated at doses up to $1200\ \mathrm{mg/day}$, but large-scale studies are necessary to confirm efficacy.

Melatonin and vitamin D may also improve clinical pregnancy rates in MAR patients, though evidence is inconsistent. Melatonin, a hormone with antioxidant and anti-inflammatory effects, may slow ovarian aging and enhance oocyte quality. However, due to methodological limitations and inconsistencies in trials, further research is required, especially on higher doses and longer treatments. Vitamin D, known for its role in bone health, also influences reproductive function through hormone regulation and endometrial receptivity. Four studies using calcitriol, the most active vitamin D form, suggested potential benefits, but more research is needed to explore the relationship between vitamin D and fertility.

Currently, no specific nutrient supplements can be confidently recommended for improving fertility outcomes. However, many of these interventions pose minimal risks and may help correct deficiencies and boost antioxidant levels. While adverse event reporting was limited, CoQ10, melatonin, NAC, vitamin D, L-carnitine, and inositol appear safe and well tolerated. Future studies must focus on robust reporting of side effects and long-term safety to guide clinical recommendations.

Based on the review, how should clinicians approach the use of nutrient supplements for infertility?

【題組共用題幹】

This umbrella review critically evaluates top-tier evidence on nutrient supplements for female infertility. Overall, the evidence remains highly uncertain regarding the effects of multiple micronutrients and antioxidants on live birth rates. L-arginine, CoQ10, melatonin, vitamin B complex, vitamin D, and vitamin E did not significantly improve live birth rates. Clinical pregnancy rates may benefit from L-carnitine, CoQ10, melatonin, myo-inositol, NAC, and vitamin D, but the evidence remains weak. Biochemical pregnancy rates were not increased with vitamin D, and adverse effects were poorly reported. Limited and low-quality studies necessitate cautious interpretation of these findings.

For live birth rates, multiple micronutrients showed very low certainty evidence of benefits. Variability in formulations across three randomized controlled trials (RCTs) made general recommendations difficult. Similarly, pooled antioxidants—diverse compounds reducing oxidative stress—showed very low certainty evidence for improving live birth rates. A literature review suggests micronutrient supplementation may help restore nutrient levels and reduce oxidative stress, but more high-quality RCTs are needed to confirm efficacy.

For clinical pregnancy rates, L-carnitine, myo-inositol, and NAC showed potential benefits, particularly in women with PCOS. These nutrients support metabolism, reproductive health, and oxidative stress reduction. However, findings stem from limited studies (two RCTs per nutrient, with 177–450 participants), highlighting the need for further research to clarify their effectiveness in female infertility treatment.

Among women undergoing medically assisted reproduction (MAR), CoQ10 may improve clinical pregnancy rates based on four RCTs ($n=397$), though the evidence remains uncertain. As a mitochondrial antioxidant, CoQ10 may help reverse ovarian dysfunction, support ovulation, and enhance embryo development. Preclinical and clinical data suggest CoQ10 is well tolerated at doses up to $1200\ \mathrm{mg/day}$, but large-scale studies are necessary to confirm efficacy.

Melatonin and vitamin D may also improve clinical pregnancy rates in MAR patients, though evidence is inconsistent. Melatonin, a hormone with antioxidant and anti-inflammatory effects, may slow ovarian aging and enhance oocyte quality. However, due to methodological limitations and inconsistencies in trials, further research is required, especially on higher doses and longer treatments. Vitamin D, known for its role in bone health, also influences reproductive function through hormone regulation and endometrial receptivity. Four studies using calcitriol, the most active vitamin D form, suggested potential benefits, but more research is needed to explore the relationship between vitamin D and fertility.

Currently, no specific nutrient supplements can be confidently recommended for improving fertility outcomes. However, many of these interventions pose minimal risks and may help correct deficiencies and boost antioxidant levels. While adverse event reporting was limited, CoQ10, melatonin, NAC, vitamin D, L-carnitine, and inositol appear safe and well tolerated. Future studies must focus on robust reporting of side effects and long-term safety to guide clinical recommendations.

What methodological issue complicates the interpretation of findings in this study?