慈濟大學 114 年 《英文》

Proper ______ facilities (such as toilets) promote health by allowing people to dispose of their waste appropriately. This prevents environmental contamination and reduces the risk of disease.

Are you spending hours ______ mindlessly on Instagram reels and TikTok? If so, you might be suffering from brain rot.

______ is the hallmark of a healthcare professional, showing that they can relate to the pain and problems of patients.

Dr. Chen promised to ______ as much pressure as he could on the authorities to fund further research into child nutrition.

Euthanasia is an extremely controversial issue which involves complicated moral choices; therefore, there are both ______ and opponents.

National Council of Science and Technology offers financial support for Polish post-doctoral research fellows who are working on ______ projects.

A proposed amendment to Iraq’s Personal Status Law legalizes marriage to children as young as nine, threatening women’s and children’s rights in the region; therefore, it will also threaten the legal systems of Iraq by ______ power from the state government to religious councils.

Cultural ______ takes place when members of a majority group adopt cultural elements of a minority group in an exploitative, disrespectful, or stereotypical way.

The decisions made by the superpowers could be influential ______ factors since they could threaten the peace of certain bordering areas.

Numerous studies have demonstrated that music has many benefits, including improved heart rate, motor skills, brain stimulation, and immune system ______.

Northern lights, also called aurora borealis, and their ______ in the Southern Hemisphere are believed to result as tiny charged particles that poured out by the sun during solar flares strike the Earth’s upper atmosphere hours or days later.

Post-humanism refers to a perspective that challenges traditional human-centered views by emphasizing interconnectedness among organisms and complex systems, to disrupt ______ and boundaries between humans and other entities.

After the war was over, the local people were joyfully surprised to find the price of vegetables no longer ______ unexpectedly.

Nowadays a war can be conducted by applying ______ warfare tactics against another nation, combining disinformation with applications of information technology.

When the ______ temperature drops, we burn more fuel to maintain a steady body temperature. We even possess a special form of fat tissue, known as brown fat, which is burned to produce heat directly.

【題組共用題幹】

The world is witnessing an alarming increase ____ the number of people affected by armed conflict, forced displacement, including large-scale refugee displacement, health and climate-induced disasters, and other crises. This means disrupted education for 222 million school-aged children and youth and education systems pushed to the brink of their capacities to deliver. Girls and children with disabilities, ____ many other minority groups including but not limited to indigenous communities, ethnic and religious minorities and LGBTQI individuals are disproportionately affected in many crisis contexts. In 2022 alone, forced displacement reached a record high of 100 million people, over half of ____ are children and youth in need of access to relevant quality education. In addition, between January 2020 and December 2021 there were 5,000 incidents of attacks on schools, ____ 9,000 students and educators abducted, arrested, injured, or killed across 85 countries. This is in addition to the schools closed due to armed conflict and political instability, ____ the education of future generations of girls, refugees and other population groups is at risk.

【題組共用題幹】

The world is witnessing an alarming increase ____ the number of people affected by armed conflict, forced displacement, including large-scale refugee displacement, health and climate-induced disasters, and other crises. This means disrupted education for 222 million school-aged children and youth and education systems pushed to the brink of their capacities to deliver. Girls and children with disabilities, ____ many other minority groups including but not limited to indigenous communities, ethnic and religious minorities and LGBTQI individuals are disproportionately affected in many crisis contexts. In 2022 alone, forced displacement reached a record high of 100 million people, over half of ____ are children and youth in need of access to relevant quality education. In addition, between January 2020 and December 2021 there were 5,000 incidents of attacks on schools, ____ 9,000 students and educators abducted, arrested, injured, or killed across 85 countries. This is in addition to the schools closed due to armed conflict and political instability, ____ the education of future generations of girls, refugees and other population groups is at risk.

【題組共用題幹】

The world is witnessing an alarming increase ____ the number of people affected by armed conflict, forced displacement, including large-scale refugee displacement, health and climate-induced disasters, and other crises. This means disrupted education for 222 million school-aged children and youth and education systems pushed to the brink of their capacities to deliver. Girls and children with disabilities, ____ many other minority groups including but not limited to indigenous communities, ethnic and religious minorities and LGBTQI individuals are disproportionately affected in many crisis contexts. In 2022 alone, forced displacement reached a record high of 100 million people, over half of ____ are children and youth in need of access to relevant quality education. In addition, between January 2020 and December 2021 there were 5,000 incidents of attacks on schools, ____ 9,000 students and educators abducted, arrested, injured, or killed across 85 countries. This is in addition to the schools closed due to armed conflict and political instability, ____ the education of future generations of girls, refugees and other population groups is at risk.

【題組共用題幹】

The world is witnessing an alarming increase ____ the number of people affected by armed conflict, forced displacement, including large-scale refugee displacement, health and climate-induced disasters, and other crises. This means disrupted education for 222 million school-aged children and youth and education systems pushed to the brink of their capacities to deliver. Girls and children with disabilities, ____ many other minority groups including but not limited to indigenous communities, ethnic and religious minorities and LGBTQI individuals are disproportionately affected in many crisis contexts. In 2022 alone, forced displacement reached a record high of 100 million people, over half of ____ are children and youth in need of access to relevant quality education. In addition, between January 2020 and December 2021 there were 5,000 incidents of attacks on schools, ____ 9,000 students and educators abducted, arrested, injured, or killed across 85 countries. This is in addition to the schools closed due to armed conflict and political instability, ____ the education of future generations of girls, refugees and other population groups is at risk.

【題組共用題幹】

The world is witnessing an alarming increase ____ the number of people affected by armed conflict, forced displacement, including large-scale refugee displacement, health and climate-induced disasters, and other crises. This means disrupted education for 222 million school-aged children and youth and education systems pushed to the brink of their capacities to deliver. Girls and children with disabilities, ____ many other minority groups including but not limited to indigenous communities, ethnic and religious minorities and LGBTQI individuals are disproportionately affected in many crisis contexts. In 2022 alone, forced displacement reached a record high of 100 million people, over half of ____ are children and youth in need of access to relevant quality education. In addition, between January 2020 and December 2021 there were 5,000 incidents of attacks on schools, ____ 9,000 students and educators abducted, arrested, injured, or killed across 85 countries. This is in addition to the schools closed due to armed conflict and political instability, ____ the education of future generations of girls, refugees and other population groups is at risk.

【題組共用題幹】

Comprehensive immigration reform has eluded Congress for decades. Presidents have increasingly turned to executive action to reshape asylum and border policy. Though many of the policies that aim to reduce unlawful immigration focus on enforcement at the border, individuals who arrive in the United States legally and overstay their visas comprise a significant portion of the ____ population.

The most recent push for an immigration policy ____ was in 2013, following a decade in which Congress debated numerous immigration reforms, some considered comprehensive and others piecemeal. The former refers to ____ legislation that attempts to address the following issues: demand for high- and low-skilled laborers, the legal status of the millions of unlawful immigrants living in the country, border security, and interior enforcement. The last major legislation to make it through Congress was under President Ronald Reagan in 1986, when his administration granted legal ____ to some three million illegal residents. In 1990, President George H. W. Bush further expanded legal immigration by increasing the cap for immigrant visas from 270,000 to 700,000, though he lowered the quota to 675,000 after several years. In 2007, President George W. Bush worked with congressional Democrats to reach a ____ on a new comprehensive bill, but ultimately failed to win enough support in the Senate.

【題組共用題幹】

Comprehensive immigration reform has eluded Congress for decades. Presidents have increasingly turned to executive action to reshape asylum and border policy. Though many of the policies that aim to reduce unlawful immigration focus on enforcement at the border, individuals who arrive in the United States legally and overstay their visas comprise a significant portion of the ____ population.

The most recent push for an immigration policy ____ was in 2013, following a decade in which Congress debated numerous immigration reforms, some considered comprehensive and others piecemeal. The former refers to ____ legislation that attempts to address the following issues: demand for high- and low-skilled laborers, the legal status of the millions of unlawful immigrants living in the country, border security, and interior enforcement. The last major legislation to make it through Congress was under President Ronald Reagan in 1986, when his administration granted legal ____ to some three million illegal residents. In 1990, President George H. W. Bush further expanded legal immigration by increasing the cap for immigrant visas from 270,000 to 700,000, though he lowered the quota to 675,000 after several years. In 2007, President George W. Bush worked with congressional Democrats to reach a ____ on a new comprehensive bill, but ultimately failed to win enough support in the Senate.

【題組共用題幹】

Comprehensive immigration reform has eluded Congress for decades. Presidents have increasingly turned to executive action to reshape asylum and border policy. Though many of the policies that aim to reduce unlawful immigration focus on enforcement at the border, individuals who arrive in the United States legally and overstay their visas comprise a significant portion of the ____ population.

The most recent push for an immigration policy ____ was in 2013, following a decade in which Congress debated numerous immigration reforms, some considered comprehensive and others piecemeal. The former refers to ____ legislation that attempts to address the following issues: demand for high- and low-skilled laborers, the legal status of the millions of unlawful immigrants living in the country, border security, and interior enforcement. The last major legislation to make it through Congress was under President Ronald Reagan in 1986, when his administration granted legal ____ to some three million illegal residents. In 1990, President George H. W. Bush further expanded legal immigration by increasing the cap for immigrant visas from 270,000 to 700,000, though he lowered the quota to 675,000 after several years. In 2007, President George W. Bush worked with congressional Democrats to reach a ____ on a new comprehensive bill, but ultimately failed to win enough support in the Senate.

【題組共用題幹】

Comprehensive immigration reform has eluded Congress for decades. Presidents have increasingly turned to executive action to reshape asylum and border policy. Though many of the policies that aim to reduce unlawful immigration focus on enforcement at the border, individuals who arrive in the United States legally and overstay their visas comprise a significant portion of the ____ population.

The most recent push for an immigration policy ____ was in 2013, following a decade in which Congress debated numerous immigration reforms, some considered comprehensive and others piecemeal. The former refers to ____ legislation that attempts to address the following issues: demand for high- and low-skilled laborers, the legal status of the millions of unlawful immigrants living in the country, border security, and interior enforcement. The last major legislation to make it through Congress was under President Ronald Reagan in 1986, when his administration granted legal ____ to some three million illegal residents. In 1990, President George H. W. Bush further expanded legal immigration by increasing the cap for immigrant visas from 270,000 to 700,000, though he lowered the quota to 675,000 after several years. In 2007, President George W. Bush worked with congressional Democrats to reach a ____ on a new comprehensive bill, but ultimately failed to win enough support in the Senate.

【題組共用題幹】

Comprehensive immigration reform has eluded Congress for decades. Presidents have increasingly turned to executive action to reshape asylum and border policy. Though many of the policies that aim to reduce unlawful immigration focus on enforcement at the border, individuals who arrive in the United States legally and overstay their visas comprise a significant portion of the ____ population.

The most recent push for an immigration policy ____ was in 2013, following a decade in which Congress debated numerous immigration reforms, some considered comprehensive and others piecemeal. The former refers to ____ legislation that attempts to address the following issues: demand for high- and low-skilled laborers, the legal status of the millions of unlawful immigrants living in the country, border security, and interior enforcement. The last major legislation to make it through Congress was under President Ronald Reagan in 1986, when his administration granted legal ____ to some three million illegal residents. In 1990, President George H. W. Bush further expanded legal immigration by increasing the cap for immigrant visas from 270,000 to 700,000, though he lowered the quota to 675,000 after several years. In 2007, President George W. Bush worked with congressional Democrats to reach a ____ on a new comprehensive bill, but ultimately failed to win enough support in the Senate.

【題組共用題幹】

The Alaska pipeline starts at the frozen edge of the Arctic Ocean. It stretches southward across the largest and northernmost state in the United States, ending at a remote ice-free seaport village nearly 800 miles from where it begins. It is massive in size and extremely complicated to operate.

The steel pipe crosses windswept plains and endless miles of delicate tundra that tops the frozen ground. It weaves through crooked canyons, climbs sheer mountains, plunges over rocky crags, makes its way through thick forests, and passes over or under hundreds of rivers and streams. The pipe is 4 feet in diameter, and up to 2 million barrels (or 84 million gallons) of ____ oil can be pumped through it daily.

Resting ____ H-shaped steel racks called “bents,” long sections of the pipeline follow a zigzag course high above the frozen earth. Other long sections drop out of sight beneath spongy or rocky ground and return to the surface later on. The pattern of the pipeline’s ____ route is determined by the often harsh demands of the arctic and subarctic climate, the tortuous lay of the land, and the varied compositions of soil, rock, or permafrost (permanently frozen ground). A little more than half of the pipeline is elevated above the ground. The remainder is buried anywhere from 3 to 12 feet, depending largely upon the type of terrain and the properties of the soil.

One of the largest in the world, the pipeline cost approximately $8 billion and is by far the biggest and most expensive construction project ever ____ by private industry. In fact, no single business could raise that much money, so eight major oil companies formed a consortium in order to share the costs. Each company controlled oil rights to ____ shares of land in the oil fields and paid into the pipeline-construction fund according to the size of its holdings. Today, despite enormous problems of climate, supply shortages, equipment breakdowns, labor disagreements, treacherous terrain, a certain amount of mismanagement, and even theft, the Alaska pipeline has been completed and is operating.

【題組共用題幹】

The Alaska pipeline starts at the frozen edge of the Arctic Ocean. It stretches southward across the largest and northernmost state in the United States, ending at a remote ice-free seaport village nearly 800 miles from where it begins. It is massive in size and extremely complicated to operate.

The steel pipe crosses windswept plains and endless miles of delicate tundra that tops the frozen ground. It weaves through crooked canyons, climbs sheer mountains, plunges over rocky crags, makes its way through thick forests, and passes over or under hundreds of rivers and streams. The pipe is 4 feet in diameter, and up to 2 million barrels (or 84 million gallons) of ____ oil can be pumped through it daily.

Resting ____ H-shaped steel racks called “bents,” long sections of the pipeline follow a zigzag course high above the frozen earth. Other long sections drop out of sight beneath spongy or rocky ground and return to the surface later on. The pattern of the pipeline’s ____ route is determined by the often harsh demands of the arctic and subarctic climate, the tortuous lay of the land, and the varied compositions of soil, rock, or permafrost (permanently frozen ground). A little more than half of the pipeline is elevated above the ground. The remainder is buried anywhere from 3 to 12 feet, depending largely upon the type of terrain and the properties of the soil.

One of the largest in the world, the pipeline cost approximately $8 billion and is by far the biggest and most expensive construction project ever ____ by private industry. In fact, no single business could raise that much money, so eight major oil companies formed a consortium in order to share the costs. Each company controlled oil rights to ____ shares of land in the oil fields and paid into the pipeline-construction fund according to the size of its holdings. Today, despite enormous problems of climate, supply shortages, equipment breakdowns, labor disagreements, treacherous terrain, a certain amount of mismanagement, and even theft, the Alaska pipeline has been completed and is operating.

【題組共用題幹】

The Alaska pipeline starts at the frozen edge of the Arctic Ocean. It stretches southward across the largest and northernmost state in the United States, ending at a remote ice-free seaport village nearly 800 miles from where it begins. It is massive in size and extremely complicated to operate.

The steel pipe crosses windswept plains and endless miles of delicate tundra that tops the frozen ground. It weaves through crooked canyons, climbs sheer mountains, plunges over rocky crags, makes its way through thick forests, and passes over or under hundreds of rivers and streams. The pipe is 4 feet in diameter, and up to 2 million barrels (or 84 million gallons) of ____ oil can be pumped through it daily.

Resting ____ H-shaped steel racks called “bents,” long sections of the pipeline follow a zigzag course high above the frozen earth. Other long sections drop out of sight beneath spongy or rocky ground and return to the surface later on. The pattern of the pipeline’s ____ route is determined by the often harsh demands of the arctic and subarctic climate, the tortuous lay of the land, and the varied compositions of soil, rock, or permafrost (permanently frozen ground). A little more than half of the pipeline is elevated above the ground. The remainder is buried anywhere from 3 to 12 feet, depending largely upon the type of terrain and the properties of the soil.

One of the largest in the world, the pipeline cost approximately $8 billion and is by far the biggest and most expensive construction project ever ____ by private industry. In fact, no single business could raise that much money, so eight major oil companies formed a consortium in order to share the costs. Each company controlled oil rights to ____ shares of land in the oil fields and paid into the pipeline-construction fund according to the size of its holdings. Today, despite enormous problems of climate, supply shortages, equipment breakdowns, labor disagreements, treacherous terrain, a certain amount of mismanagement, and even theft, the Alaska pipeline has been completed and is operating.

【題組共用題幹】

The Alaska pipeline starts at the frozen edge of the Arctic Ocean. It stretches southward across the largest and northernmost state in the United States, ending at a remote ice-free seaport village nearly 800 miles from where it begins. It is massive in size and extremely complicated to operate.

The steel pipe crosses windswept plains and endless miles of delicate tundra that tops the frozen ground. It weaves through crooked canyons, climbs sheer mountains, plunges over rocky crags, makes its way through thick forests, and passes over or under hundreds of rivers and streams. The pipe is 4 feet in diameter, and up to 2 million barrels (or 84 million gallons) of ____ oil can be pumped through it daily.

Resting ____ H-shaped steel racks called “bents,” long sections of the pipeline follow a zigzag course high above the frozen earth. Other long sections drop out of sight beneath spongy or rocky ground and return to the surface later on. The pattern of the pipeline’s ____ route is determined by the often harsh demands of the arctic and subarctic climate, the tortuous lay of the land, and the varied compositions of soil, rock, or permafrost (permanently frozen ground). A little more than half of the pipeline is elevated above the ground. The remainder is buried anywhere from 3 to 12 feet, depending largely upon the type of terrain and the properties of the soil.

One of the largest in the world, the pipeline cost approximately $8 billion and is by far the biggest and most expensive construction project ever ____ by private industry. In fact, no single business could raise that much money, so eight major oil companies formed a consortium in order to share the costs. Each company controlled oil rights to ____ shares of land in the oil fields and paid into the pipeline-construction fund according to the size of its holdings. Today, despite enormous problems of climate, supply shortages, equipment breakdowns, labor disagreements, treacherous terrain, a certain amount of mismanagement, and even theft, the Alaska pipeline has been completed and is operating.

【題組共用題幹】

The Alaska pipeline starts at the frozen edge of the Arctic Ocean. It stretches southward across the largest and northernmost state in the United States, ending at a remote ice-free seaport village nearly 800 miles from where it begins. It is massive in size and extremely complicated to operate.

The steel pipe crosses windswept plains and endless miles of delicate tundra that tops the frozen ground. It weaves through crooked canyons, climbs sheer mountains, plunges over rocky crags, makes its way through thick forests, and passes over or under hundreds of rivers and streams. The pipe is 4 feet in diameter, and up to 2 million barrels (or 84 million gallons) of ____ oil can be pumped through it daily.

Resting ____ H-shaped steel racks called “bents,” long sections of the pipeline follow a zigzag course high above the frozen earth. Other long sections drop out of sight beneath spongy or rocky ground and return to the surface later on. The pattern of the pipeline’s ____ route is determined by the often harsh demands of the arctic and subarctic climate, the tortuous lay of the land, and the varied compositions of soil, rock, or permafrost (permanently frozen ground). A little more than half of the pipeline is elevated above the ground. The remainder is buried anywhere from 3 to 12 feet, depending largely upon the type of terrain and the properties of the soil.

One of the largest in the world, the pipeline cost approximately $8 billion and is by far the biggest and most expensive construction project ever ____ by private industry. In fact, no single business could raise that much money, so eight major oil companies formed a consortium in order to share the costs. Each company controlled oil rights to ____ shares of land in the oil fields and paid into the pipeline-construction fund according to the size of its holdings. Today, despite enormous problems of climate, supply shortages, equipment breakdowns, labor disagreements, treacherous terrain, a certain amount of mismanagement, and even theft, the Alaska pipeline has been completed and is operating.

【題組共用題幹】

What we recognize today as depression was, in the Victorian era, popularly known as melancholia or melancholy. Like depression, melancholy ranged in seriousness from mild, temporary bouts of sadness or “low spirits” to longer, more extreme episodes, characterized by insomnia, lack of appetite, and suicidal thoughts. While symptoms of melancholy were usually easy to recognize, medical opinions often differed on what it was that caused the condition. As a result, treatment plans for the melancholic patient varied widely. Below, we look at a few Victorian era medical opinions on the symptoms and causes, and treatments of melancholy.

According to Dr. Wooster Beach, the patient afflicted with melancholy shunned society and courted solitude, was fearful and low-spirited. Many medical practitioners found it useful to divide melancholy into categories by symptom. This served to separate the more severe forms of melancholy, such as those accompanied by violent outbursts, mania, or delusions, from the more ordinary forms of melancholy in which the patient was merely reclusive and sad. In his 1871 book Insanity and Its Treatment, Dr. G. Fielding Blandford classified melancholy as being either acute or subacute. While Yeoman went a step further, dividing melancholy into four separate types: Gloomy Melancholy, Restless Melancholy, Mischievous Melancholy, and Self-Complacent Melancholy.

Melancholy was often accompanied by physical symptoms. Many of these were a direct result of poor diet, lack of activity, and too much time spent closed up indoors.

Much like depression today, melancholy could result from a particular situation, such as a death in the family or a professional, financial, or romantic disappointment. Melancholy could also result from physical illness. According to Beach, it could be brought on by “dyspepsia, suppressed evacuations, intemperance, and injuries of the cranium.” Melancholy could also set in for what appeared to be no reason at all. Beach stated that this sort of melancholy was often the result of “an hereditary disposition” or a “melancholic temperament.” While in the 1879 book Clinical Medicine, Dr. Austin Flint declared that when not attributable to an adequate cause (a death or a loss) and when not linked to a symptom of dyspepsia, alcoholism, or other recognizable illness, melancholy should be regarded as “a neuropathic affection” or a diseased mind.

Unfortunately for Victorian doctors and their melancholy patients, there were no antidepressant drugs available in the nineteenth century. Instead, doctors generally treated melancholy by recommending specialized diets and regimens of rest and relaxation. Beach took a more modern approach, declaring that “in the treatment of melancholy, attention must be directed to the mind as well as the body.” To this end, he advised that the patient should take exercise in the open air, talk with cheerful friends, and enjoy pleasant scenery.

Some Victorian doctors went further with their treatments, advising their melancholy patients to drink alcohol, to take morphia, or even (if they were single) to get married and start a family. For example, Blandford recommended a diet which featured alcohol at almost every meal, followed by a dose of chloral or morphia at night to help the melancholic patient sleep. In some cases, Victorian era doctors advised that patients suffering from melancholy be committed to an asylum. This was mainly to prevent the patient from harming himself since, as Blandford stated, “every patient of this kind is to be looked upon as suicidal.” While wealthier patients could afford to hire attendants to watch over them at home, poor patients in need of supervision had little choice but to turn to an asylum.

31. According to Dr. Wooster Beach, what is a common characteristic of a melancholic patient?

【題組共用題幹】

What we recognize today as depression was, in the Victorian era, popularly known as melancholia or melancholy. Like depression, melancholy ranged in seriousness from mild, temporary bouts of sadness or “low spirits” to longer, more extreme episodes, characterized by insomnia, lack of appetite, and suicidal thoughts. While symptoms of melancholy were usually easy to recognize, medical opinions often differed on what it was that caused the condition. As a result, treatment plans for the melancholic patient varied widely. Below, we look at a few Victorian era medical opinions on the symptoms and causes, and treatments of melancholy.

According to Dr. Wooster Beach, the patient afflicted with melancholy shunned society and courted solitude, was fearful and low-spirited. Many medical practitioners found it useful to divide melancholy into categories by symptom. This served to separate the more severe forms of melancholy, such as those accompanied by violent outbursts, mania, or delusions, from the more ordinary forms of melancholy in which the patient was merely reclusive and sad. In his 1871 book Insanity and Its Treatment, Dr. G. Fielding Blandford classified melancholy as being either acute or subacute. While Yeoman went a step further, dividing melancholy into four separate types: Gloomy Melancholy, Restless Melancholy, Mischievous Melancholy, and Self-Complacent Melancholy.

Melancholy was often accompanied by physical symptoms. Many of these were a direct result of poor diet, lack of activity, and too much time spent closed up indoors.

Much like depression today, melancholy could result from a particular situation, such as a death in the family or a professional, financial, or romantic disappointment. Melancholy could also result from physical illness. According to Beach, it could be brought on by “dyspepsia, suppressed evacuations, intemperance, and injuries of the cranium.” Melancholy could also set in for what appeared to be no reason at all. Beach stated that this sort of melancholy was often the result of “an hereditary disposition” or a “melancholic temperament.” While in the 1879 book Clinical Medicine, Dr. Austin Flint declared that when not attributable to an adequate cause (a death or a loss) and when not linked to a symptom of dyspepsia, alcoholism, or other recognizable illness, melancholy should be regarded as “a neuropathic affection” or a diseased mind.

Unfortunately for Victorian doctors and their melancholy patients, there were no antidepressant drugs available in the nineteenth century. Instead, doctors generally treated melancholy by recommending specialized diets and regimens of rest and relaxation. Beach took a more modern approach, declaring that “in the treatment of melancholy, attention must be directed to the mind as well as the body.” To this end, he advised that the patient should take exercise in the open air, talk with cheerful friends, and enjoy pleasant scenery.

Some Victorian doctors went further with their treatments, advising their melancholy patients to drink alcohol, to take morphia, or even (if they were single) to get married and start a family. For example, Blandford recommended a diet which featured alcohol at almost every meal, followed by a dose of chloral or morphia at night to help the melancholic patient sleep. In some cases, Victorian era doctors advised that patients suffering from melancholy be committed to an asylum. This was mainly to prevent the patient from harming himself since, as Blandford stated, “every patient of this kind is to be looked upon as suicidal.” While wealthier patients could afford to hire attendants to watch over them at home, poor patients in need of supervision had little choice but to turn to an asylum.

32. Why did some Victorian-era doctors categorize melancholy into different types?

【題組共用題幹】

What we recognize today as depression was, in the Victorian era, popularly known as melancholia or melancholy. Like depression, melancholy ranged in seriousness from mild, temporary bouts of sadness or “low spirits” to longer, more extreme episodes, characterized by insomnia, lack of appetite, and suicidal thoughts. While symptoms of melancholy were usually easy to recognize, medical opinions often differed on what it was that caused the condition. As a result, treatment plans for the melancholic patient varied widely. Below, we look at a few Victorian era medical opinions on the symptoms and causes, and treatments of melancholy.

According to Dr. Wooster Beach, the patient afflicted with melancholy shunned society and courted solitude, was fearful and low-spirited. Many medical practitioners found it useful to divide melancholy into categories by symptom. This served to separate the more severe forms of melancholy, such as those accompanied by violent outbursts, mania, or delusions, from the more ordinary forms of melancholy in which the patient was merely reclusive and sad. In his 1871 book Insanity and Its Treatment, Dr. G. Fielding Blandford classified melancholy as being either acute or subacute. While Yeoman went a step further, dividing melancholy into four separate types: Gloomy Melancholy, Restless Melancholy, Mischievous Melancholy, and Self-Complacent Melancholy.

Melancholy was often accompanied by physical symptoms. Many of these were a direct result of poor diet, lack of activity, and too much time spent closed up indoors.

Much like depression today, melancholy could result from a particular situation, such as a death in the family or a professional, financial, or romantic disappointment. Melancholy could also result from physical illness. According to Beach, it could be brought on by “dyspepsia, suppressed evacuations, intemperance, and injuries of the cranium.” Melancholy could also set in for what appeared to be no reason at all. Beach stated that this sort of melancholy was often the result of “an hereditary disposition” or a “melancholic temperament.” While in the 1879 book Clinical Medicine, Dr. Austin Flint declared that when not attributable to an adequate cause (a death or a loss) and when not linked to a symptom of dyspepsia, alcoholism, or other recognizable illness, melancholy should be regarded as “a neuropathic affection” or a diseased mind.

Unfortunately for Victorian doctors and their melancholy patients, there were no antidepressant drugs available in the nineteenth century. Instead, doctors generally treated melancholy by recommending specialized diets and regimens of rest and relaxation. Beach took a more modern approach, declaring that “in the treatment of melancholy, attention must be directed to the mind as well as the body.” To this end, he advised that the patient should take exercise in the open air, talk with cheerful friends, and enjoy pleasant scenery.

Some Victorian doctors went further with their treatments, advising their melancholy patients to drink alcohol, to take morphia, or even (if they were single) to get married and start a family. For example, Blandford recommended a diet which featured alcohol at almost every meal, followed by a dose of chloral or morphia at night to help the melancholic patient sleep. In some cases, Victorian era doctors advised that patients suffering from melancholy be committed to an asylum. This was mainly to prevent the patient from harming himself since, as Blandford stated, “every patient of this kind is to be looked upon as suicidal.” While wealthier patients could afford to hire attendants to watch over them at home, poor patients in need of supervision had little choice but to turn to an asylum.

33. What was one of the ways Victorian doctors attempted to treat melancholy?

【題組共用題幹】

What we recognize today as depression was, in the Victorian era, popularly known as melancholia or melancholy. Like depression, melancholy ranged in seriousness from mild, temporary bouts of sadness or “low spirits” to longer, more extreme episodes, characterized by insomnia, lack of appetite, and suicidal thoughts. While symptoms of melancholy were usually easy to recognize, medical opinions often differed on what it was that caused the condition. As a result, treatment plans for the melancholic patient varied widely. Below, we look at a few Victorian era medical opinions on the symptoms and causes, and treatments of melancholy.

According to Dr. Wooster Beach, the patient afflicted with melancholy shunned society and courted solitude, was fearful and low-spirited. Many medical practitioners found it useful to divide melancholy into categories by symptom. This served to separate the more severe forms of melancholy, such as those accompanied by violent outbursts, mania, or delusions, from the more ordinary forms of melancholy in which the patient was merely reclusive and sad. In his 1871 book Insanity and Its Treatment, Dr. G. Fielding Blandford classified melancholy as being either acute or subacute. While Yeoman went a step further, dividing melancholy into four separate types: Gloomy Melancholy, Restless Melancholy, Mischievous Melancholy, and Self-Complacent Melancholy.

Melancholy was often accompanied by physical symptoms. Many of these were a direct result of poor diet, lack of activity, and too much time spent closed up indoors.

Much like depression today, melancholy could result from a particular situation, such as a death in the family or a professional, financial, or romantic disappointment. Melancholy could also result from physical illness. According to Beach, it could be brought on by “dyspepsia, suppressed evacuations, intemperance, and injuries of the cranium.” Melancholy could also set in for what appeared to be no reason at all. Beach stated that this sort of melancholy was often the result of “an hereditary disposition” or a “melancholic temperament.” While in the 1879 book Clinical Medicine, Dr. Austin Flint declared that when not attributable to an adequate cause (a death or a loss) and when not linked to a symptom of dyspepsia, alcoholism, or other recognizable illness, melancholy should be regarded as “a neuropathic affection” or a diseased mind.

Unfortunately for Victorian doctors and their melancholy patients, there were no antidepressant drugs available in the nineteenth century. Instead, doctors generally treated melancholy by recommending specialized diets and regimens of rest and relaxation. Beach took a more modern approach, declaring that “in the treatment of melancholy, attention must be directed to the mind as well as the body.” To this end, he advised that the patient should take exercise in the open air, talk with cheerful friends, and enjoy pleasant scenery.

Some Victorian doctors went further with their treatments, advising their melancholy patients to drink alcohol, to take morphia, or even (if they were single) to get married and start a family. For example, Blandford recommended a diet which featured alcohol at almost every meal, followed by a dose of chloral or morphia at night to help the melancholic patient sleep. In some cases, Victorian era doctors advised that patients suffering from melancholy be committed to an asylum. This was mainly to prevent the patient from harming himself since, as Blandford stated, “every patient of this kind is to be looked upon as suicidal.” While wealthier patients could afford to hire attendants to watch over them at home, poor patients in need of supervision had little choice but to turn to an asylum.

34. Why were some melancholic patients placed in asylums?

【題組共用題幹】

What we recognize today as depression was, in the Victorian era, popularly known as melancholia or melancholy. Like depression, melancholy ranged in seriousness from mild, temporary bouts of sadness or “low spirits” to longer, more extreme episodes, characterized by insomnia, lack of appetite, and suicidal thoughts. While symptoms of melancholy were usually easy to recognize, medical opinions often differed on what it was that caused the condition. As a result, treatment plans for the melancholic patient varied widely. Below, we look at a few Victorian era medical opinions on the symptoms and causes, and treatments of melancholy.

According to Dr. Wooster Beach, the patient afflicted with melancholy shunned society and courted solitude, was fearful and low-spirited. Many medical practitioners found it useful to divide melancholy into categories by symptom. This served to separate the more severe forms of melancholy, such as those accompanied by violent outbursts, mania, or delusions, from the more ordinary forms of melancholy in which the patient was merely reclusive and sad. In his 1871 book Insanity and Its Treatment, Dr. G. Fielding Blandford classified melancholy as being either acute or subacute. While Yeoman went a step further, dividing melancholy into four separate types: Gloomy Melancholy, Restless Melancholy, Mischievous Melancholy, and Self-Complacent Melancholy.

Melancholy was often accompanied by physical symptoms. Many of these were a direct result of poor diet, lack of activity, and too much time spent closed up indoors.

Much like depression today, melancholy could result from a particular situation, such as a death in the family or a professional, financial, or romantic disappointment. Melancholy could also result from physical illness. According to Beach, it could be brought on by “dyspepsia, suppressed evacuations, intemperance, and injuries of the cranium.” Melancholy could also set in for what appeared to be no reason at all. Beach stated that this sort of melancholy was often the result of “an hereditary disposition” or a “melancholic temperament.” While in the 1879 book Clinical Medicine, Dr. Austin Flint declared that when not attributable to an adequate cause (a death or a loss) and when not linked to a symptom of dyspepsia, alcoholism, or other recognizable illness, melancholy should be regarded as “a neuropathic affection” or a diseased mind.

Unfortunately for Victorian doctors and their melancholy patients, there were no antidepressant drugs available in the nineteenth century. Instead, doctors generally treated melancholy by recommending specialized diets and regimens of rest and relaxation. Beach took a more modern approach, declaring that “in the treatment of melancholy, attention must be directed to the mind as well as the body.” To this end, he advised that the patient should take exercise in the open air, talk with cheerful friends, and enjoy pleasant scenery.

Some Victorian doctors went further with their treatments, advising their melancholy patients to drink alcohol, to take morphia, or even (if they were single) to get married and start a family. For example, Blandford recommended a diet which featured alcohol at almost every meal, followed by a dose of chloral or morphia at night to help the melancholic patient sleep. In some cases, Victorian era doctors advised that patients suffering from melancholy be committed to an asylum. This was mainly to prevent the patient from harming himself since, as Blandford stated, “every patient of this kind is to be looked upon as suicidal.” While wealthier patients could afford to hire attendants to watch over them at home, poor patients in need of supervision had little choice but to turn to an asylum.

35. According to the article, which of the following statements is TRUE?

【題組共用題幹】

One year after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, a growing strategic divide has emerged within the European Union. On one side are those advocating for a decisive Ukrainian victory, pushing for the provision of stronger weapons to reclaim lost territory. On the other side, there are voices emphasizing the importance of Russia’s role within Europe’s security framework, suggesting that the EU’s broader strategic vision and interests must extend beyond the ongoing war.

In Europe, the debate veers between two diverging strategic visions. Those advocating for a clear Ukrainian victory argue that sufficient military aid is needed to recapture the territory lost over the past year, and even to reclaim Donbas and Crimea. To achieve this, Ukrainian armed forces would require stronger support, potentially including advanced weapons and fighter jets, to push Russian forces back. Humiliating Russia would leave a weakened Kremlin, preventing it from becoming a persistent threat to EU and NATO members.

Nonetheless, this strategic vision, widely held in central and eastern European and Baltic states, is not without risks, including the war escalating to the point of a cornered Putin resorting to nuclear weapons and blind support for the Atlanticist position of European security. The 2024 US presidential elections, the Republican Party’s growing isolationism, and the effects of the Inflation Reduction Act all raise fears of diminishing European influence in the transatlantic alliance and the world. On the other side of the debate are those who believe that the Russia factor must always be taken into consideration. While the United States can turn its back on Russia, Moscow’s influence in Europe will not disappear. It is thus necessary to look beyond the war in order to define Europe’s strategic vision and interests. Also, to be realistic with the support to Ukraine, whether in terms of the extent of military aid or the possibilities of an early EU accession, is important.

As the social and economic consequences of the war intensify—manifesting in rising energy and food prices—calls for a stronger emphasis on ending the conflict also grow louder. While 47% of Germans are supportive of providing weapons to Ukraine, 53% feel that not enough is being done to bring the fighting to a close.

However, the risks associated with the strategic vision that emphasizes European stability through dialogue with Russia are significant. Severing unity with Washington would mean distancing Europe from the primary guarantor of its security, while also strengthening the revisionist narratives of both Russia and China at a time when the divide between the West and the rest of the world is widening.

Both the situation on the ground in Ukraine and the growing strategic divergence in Europe have led anti-militarist voices to argue that weapons deliveries to Ukraine should be stopped, an argument ignoring the fact that this would mean victory for Putin. In a war of aggression, it is impossible for the attacked to give up their rights to self-defense, sovereignty, and territorial integrity. The re-emerged “stop the war” movement fails to recognize that the Kremlin’s expansionist militarism is the main threat to the security of many Europeans today.

Europe’s security must necessarily extend beyond the military, but after decades of outsourcing such concerns to the United States, since February 24th, 2022, defense has become paramount once again. The EU not only needs to spend more on defense but also spends better and more jointly. The discussion in Europe must, therefore, return to the goals of strategic autonomy and the EU’s interests after the war. Until it does, the focus of the discussion must move beyond the subject of dialogue, or otherwise, with Putin, it should seek to lay the foundations of an international coalition that works for tomorrow’s global and European security frameworks.

36. The purpose of this article is ______.

【題組共用題幹】

One year after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, a growing strategic divide has emerged within the European Union. On one side are those advocating for a decisive Ukrainian victory, pushing for the provision of stronger weapons to reclaim lost territory. On the other side, there are voices emphasizing the importance of Russia’s role within Europe’s security framework, suggesting that the EU’s broader strategic vision and interests must extend beyond the ongoing war.

In Europe, the debate veers between two diverging strategic visions. Those advocating for a clear Ukrainian victory argue that sufficient military aid is needed to recapture the territory lost over the past year, and even to reclaim Donbas and Crimea. To achieve this, Ukrainian armed forces would require stronger support, potentially including advanced weapons and fighter jets, to push Russian forces back. Humiliating Russia would leave a weakened Kremlin, preventing it from becoming a persistent threat to EU and NATO members.

Nonetheless, this strategic vision, widely held in central and eastern European and Baltic states, is not without risks, including the war escalating to the point of a cornered Putin resorting to nuclear weapons and blind support for the Atlanticist position of European security. The 2024 US presidential elections, the Republican Party’s growing isolationism, and the effects of the Inflation Reduction Act all raise fears of diminishing European influence in the transatlantic alliance and the world. On the other side of the debate are those who believe that the Russia factor must always be taken into consideration. While the United States can turn its back on Russia, Moscow’s influence in Europe will not disappear. It is thus necessary to look beyond the war in order to define Europe’s strategic vision and interests. Also, to be realistic with the support to Ukraine, whether in terms of the extent of military aid or the possibilities of an early EU accession, is important.

As the social and economic consequences of the war intensify—manifesting in rising energy and food prices—calls for a stronger emphasis on ending the conflict also grow louder. While 47% of Germans are supportive of providing weapons to Ukraine, 53% feel that not enough is being done to bring the fighting to a close.

However, the risks associated with the strategic vision that emphasizes European stability through dialogue with Russia are significant. Severing unity with Washington would mean distancing Europe from the primary guarantor of its security, while also strengthening the revisionist narratives of both Russia and China at a time when the divide between the West and the rest of the world is widening.

Both the situation on the ground in Ukraine and the growing strategic divergence in Europe have led anti-militarist voices to argue that weapons deliveries to Ukraine should be stopped, an argument ignoring the fact that this would mean victory for Putin. In a war of aggression, it is impossible for the attacked to give up their rights to self-defense, sovereignty, and territorial integrity. The re-emerged “stop the war” movement fails to recognize that the Kremlin’s expansionist militarism is the main threat to the security of many Europeans today.

Europe’s security must necessarily extend beyond the military, but after decades of outsourcing such concerns to the United States, since February 24th, 2022, defense has become paramount once again. The EU not only needs to spend more on defense but also spends better and more jointly. The discussion in Europe must, therefore, return to the goals of strategic autonomy and the EU’s interests after the war. Until it does, the focus of the discussion must move beyond the subject of dialogue, or otherwise, with Putin, it should seek to lay the foundations of an international coalition that works for tomorrow’s global and European security frameworks.

37. For advocates of Ukraine, ______.

【題組共用題幹】

One year after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, a growing strategic divide has emerged within the European Union. On one side are those advocating for a decisive Ukrainian victory, pushing for the provision of stronger weapons to reclaim lost territory. On the other side, there are voices emphasizing the importance of Russia’s role within Europe’s security framework, suggesting that the EU’s broader strategic vision and interests must extend beyond the ongoing war.

In Europe, the debate veers between two diverging strategic visions. Those advocating for a clear Ukrainian victory argue that sufficient military aid is needed to recapture the territory lost over the past year, and even to reclaim Donbas and Crimea. To achieve this, Ukrainian armed forces would require stronger support, potentially including advanced weapons and fighter jets, to push Russian forces back. Humiliating Russia would leave a weakened Kremlin, preventing it from becoming a persistent threat to EU and NATO members.

Nonetheless, this strategic vision, widely held in central and eastern European and Baltic states, is not without risks, including the war escalating to the point of a cornered Putin resorting to nuclear weapons and blind support for the Atlanticist position of European security. The 2024 US presidential elections, the Republican Party’s growing isolationism, and the effects of the Inflation Reduction Act all raise fears of diminishing European influence in the transatlantic alliance and the world. On the other side of the debate are those who believe that the Russia factor must always be taken into consideration. While the United States can turn its back on Russia, Moscow’s influence in Europe will not disappear. It is thus necessary to look beyond the war in order to define Europe’s strategic vision and interests. Also, to be realistic with the support to Ukraine, whether in terms of the extent of military aid or the possibilities of an early EU accession, is important.

As the social and economic consequences of the war intensify—manifesting in rising energy and food prices—calls for a stronger emphasis on ending the conflict also grow louder. While 47% of Germans are supportive of providing weapons to Ukraine, 53% feel that not enough is being done to bring the fighting to a close.

However, the risks associated with the strategic vision that emphasizes European stability through dialogue with Russia are significant. Severing unity with Washington would mean distancing Europe from the primary guarantor of its security, while also strengthening the revisionist narratives of both Russia and China at a time when the divide between the West and the rest of the world is widening.

Both the situation on the ground in Ukraine and the growing strategic divergence in Europe have led anti-militarist voices to argue that weapons deliveries to Ukraine should be stopped, an argument ignoring the fact that this would mean victory for Putin. In a war of aggression, it is impossible for the attacked to give up their rights to self-defense, sovereignty, and territorial integrity. The re-emerged “stop the war” movement fails to recognize that the Kremlin’s expansionist militarism is the main threat to the security of many Europeans today.

Europe’s security must necessarily extend beyond the military, but after decades of outsourcing such concerns to the United States, since February 24th, 2022, defense has become paramount once again. The EU not only needs to spend more on defense but also spends better and more jointly. The discussion in Europe must, therefore, return to the goals of strategic autonomy and the EU’s interests after the war. Until it does, the focus of the discussion must move beyond the subject of dialogue, or otherwise, with Putin, it should seek to lay the foundations of an international coalition that works for tomorrow’s global and European security frameworks.

38. What can be inferred from the article?

【題組共用題幹】

One year after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, a growing strategic divide has emerged within the European Union. On one side are those advocating for a decisive Ukrainian victory, pushing for the provision of stronger weapons to reclaim lost territory. On the other side, there are voices emphasizing the importance of Russia’s role within Europe’s security framework, suggesting that the EU’s broader strategic vision and interests must extend beyond the ongoing war.

In Europe, the debate veers between two diverging strategic visions. Those advocating for a clear Ukrainian victory argue that sufficient military aid is needed to recapture the territory lost over the past year, and even to reclaim Donbas and Crimea. To achieve this, Ukrainian armed forces would require stronger support, potentially including advanced weapons and fighter jets, to push Russian forces back. Humiliating Russia would leave a weakened Kremlin, preventing it from becoming a persistent threat to EU and NATO members.

Nonetheless, this strategic vision, widely held in central and eastern European and Baltic states, is not without risks, including the war escalating to the point of a cornered Putin resorting to nuclear weapons and blind support for the Atlanticist position of European security. The 2024 US presidential elections, the Republican Party’s growing isolationism, and the effects of the Inflation Reduction Act all raise fears of diminishing European influence in the transatlantic alliance and the world. On the other side of the debate are those who believe that the Russia factor must always be taken into consideration. While the United States can turn its back on Russia, Moscow’s influence in Europe will not disappear. It is thus necessary to look beyond the war in order to define Europe’s strategic vision and interests. Also, to be realistic with the support to Ukraine, whether in terms of the extent of military aid or the possibilities of an early EU accession, is important.

As the social and economic consequences of the war intensify—manifesting in rising energy and food prices—calls for a stronger emphasis on ending the conflict also grow louder. While 47% of Germans are supportive of providing weapons to Ukraine, 53% feel that not enough is being done to bring the fighting to a close.

However, the risks associated with the strategic vision that emphasizes European stability through dialogue with Russia are significant. Severing unity with Washington would mean distancing Europe from the primary guarantor of its security, while also strengthening the revisionist narratives of both Russia and China at a time when the divide between the West and the rest of the world is widening.

Both the situation on the ground in Ukraine and the growing strategic divergence in Europe have led anti-militarist voices to argue that weapons deliveries to Ukraine should be stopped, an argument ignoring the fact that this would mean victory for Putin. In a war of aggression, it is impossible for the attacked to give up their rights to self-defense, sovereignty, and territorial integrity. The re-emerged “stop the war” movement fails to recognize that the Kremlin’s expansionist militarism is the main threat to the security of many Europeans today.

Europe’s security must necessarily extend beyond the military, but after decades of outsourcing such concerns to the United States, since February 24th, 2022, defense has become paramount once again. The EU not only needs to spend more on defense but also spends better and more jointly. The discussion in Europe must, therefore, return to the goals of strategic autonomy and the EU’s interests after the war. Until it does, the focus of the discussion must move beyond the subject of dialogue, or otherwise, with Putin, it should seek to lay the foundations of an international coalition that works for tomorrow’s global and European security frameworks.

39. In face of the Russia-Ukraine War, which of the following factors is NOT mentioned?

【題組共用題幹】

One year after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, a growing strategic divide has emerged within the European Union. On one side are those advocating for a decisive Ukrainian victory, pushing for the provision of stronger weapons to reclaim lost territory. On the other side, there are voices emphasizing the importance of Russia’s role within Europe’s security framework, suggesting that the EU’s broader strategic vision and interests must extend beyond the ongoing war.

In Europe, the debate veers between two diverging strategic visions. Those advocating for a clear Ukrainian victory argue that sufficient military aid is needed to recapture the territory lost over the past year, and even to reclaim Donbas and Crimea. To achieve this, Ukrainian armed forces would require stronger support, potentially including advanced weapons and fighter jets, to push Russian forces back. Humiliating Russia would leave a weakened Kremlin, preventing it from becoming a persistent threat to EU and NATO members.

Nonetheless, this strategic vision, widely held in central and eastern European and Baltic states, is not without risks, including the war escalating to the point of a cornered Putin resorting to nuclear weapons and blind support for the Atlanticist position of European security. The 2024 US presidential elections, the Republican Party’s growing isolationism, and the effects of the Inflation Reduction Act all raise fears of diminishing European influence in the transatlantic alliance and the world. On the other side of the debate are those who believe that the Russia factor must always be taken into consideration. While the United States can turn its back on Russia, Moscow’s influence in Europe will not disappear. It is thus necessary to look beyond the war in order to define Europe’s strategic vision and interests. Also, to be realistic with the support to Ukraine, whether in terms of the extent of military aid or the possibilities of an early EU accession, is important.

As the social and economic consequences of the war intensify—manifesting in rising energy and food prices—calls for a stronger emphasis on ending the conflict also grow louder. While 47% of Germans are supportive of providing weapons to Ukraine, 53% feel that not enough is being done to bring the fighting to a close.

However, the risks associated with the strategic vision that emphasizes European stability through dialogue with Russia are significant. Severing unity with Washington would mean distancing Europe from the primary guarantor of its security, while also strengthening the revisionist narratives of both Russia and China at a time when the divide between the West and the rest of the world is widening.

Both the situation on the ground in Ukraine and the growing strategic divergence in Europe have led anti-militarist voices to argue that weapons deliveries to Ukraine should be stopped, an argument ignoring the fact that this would mean victory for Putin. In a war of aggression, it is impossible for the attacked to give up their rights to self-defense, sovereignty, and territorial integrity. The re-emerged “stop the war” movement fails to recognize that the Kremlin’s expansionist militarism is the main threat to the security of many Europeans today.

Europe’s security must necessarily extend beyond the military, but after decades of outsourcing such concerns to the United States, since February 24th, 2022, defense has become paramount once again. The EU not only needs to spend more on defense but also spends better and more jointly. The discussion in Europe must, therefore, return to the goals of strategic autonomy and the EU’s interests after the war. Until it does, the focus of the discussion must move beyond the subject of dialogue, or otherwise, with Putin, it should seek to lay the foundations of an international coalition that works for tomorrow’s global and European security frameworks.

40. Which of the following statements is TRUE about the anti-militarist voices?